Afrique

DIGITAL 00H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

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Jeudi 17 Septembre 2026

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RÉSULTAT : 35 • 40 • 78 • 12 • 28

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Un vent de redéploiement souffle sur l'administration douanière au Bénin. A travers la décision N°2026-534/MEF-MFF/DGD/DBP/DRH/SP, la Direction générale des Douanes a procédé à l'affectation de plus de 700 fonctionnaires des douanes, allant des inspecteurs aux préposés en passant par les contrôleurs. LISTE...

Egy nemzetközi légierő-gyakorlatot többféle szemszögből lehet bemutatni: más élményt, tapasztalatot jelent a pilótáknak, a repülőműszakiaknak, a logisztikusoknak vagy az esemény dokumentálásával megbízott fotósnak, videósnak. Négyrészes sorozatomat az utóbbival kezdem, aki szokatlan módon nem a légierő berkeiből, hanem szárazföldi alakulattól került a csapatba.

A görögországi Araxoszban megrendezett idei NATO Tiger Meet gyakorlaton Vasadi Zoltán István „félig” civil szakemberként – honvédelmi alkalmazottként – dokumentálta a kecskeméti állomány munkáját és a Gripenek repülését. Zoltán egy szárazföldi alakulat, a Magyar Honvédség Klapka György 1. Páncélosdandár (jelenleg MH 25. Klapka György Páncélosdandár) Harci Forgató Csoport (NATO-terminológiával Combat Camera Team) tagja. Arról, hogy szárazföldiként hogyan került a légierő közelébe és hogyan élte meg a kecskemétiekkel közös munkát, a páncélosdandár tatai laktanyájában beszélgettünk.

[...] Bővebben!

Le Premier ministre canadien se rend à Strasbourg cette semaine à la recherche d'une "alliance unique" avec l'UE.

Le Premier ministre canadien se rend à Strasbourg cette semaine à la recherche d'une "alliance unique" avec l'UE.

La prochaine édition du Forum international de la presse économique de l'Afrique de l'Ouest (FIPE-UEMOA) connaîtra deux nouvelles initiatives. Il s'agit de la création du « Prix Abdoulaye Diop » et de l'organisation d'une journée d'information consacrée à l'UEMOA dans chacun de ses huit États membres. Ces annonces ont été faites mercredi 16 septembre 2026 par Léonard Dossou, coordonnateur de la Plateforme des médias de l'UEMOA, lors d'une rencontre entre des journalistes économiques et le président de la Commission de l'UEMOA, Abdoulaye Diop.

La création du « Prix Abdoulaye Diop » et l'instauration d'une journée d'information consacrée à l'Union dans chacun de ses huit États membres au cœur de la prochaine édition du Forum international de la presse économique de l'Afrique de l'Ouest. C'est ce qu'a annoncé ce mercredi 16 septembre 2026, le coordonnateur de la Plateforme des médias de l'UEMOA, Léonard Dossou.

Un prix dédié à l'engagement en faveur de l'intégration

Le « Prix Abdoulaye Diop » récompensera une personnalité dont les actions contribuent au développement et au renforcement de l'espace communautaire. La distinction vise notamment à mettre en avant le leadership, l'engagement et les initiatives en faveur de l'intégration régionale.

Selon Léonard Dossou, le choix du nom du président de la Commission de l'UEMOA vise à saluer son action et sa vision en faveur des médias et du renforcement de l'espace communautaire. Le prix devrait être reconduit lors des prochaines éditions du FIPE-UEMOA.

À travers cette distinction, la Plateforme des médias de l'UEMOA entend valoriser les acteurs qui contribuent à la construction et à l'approfondissement de l'intégration régionale, tout en donnant davantage de visibilité aux initiatives communautaires.

Une journée d'information dans les huit États membres

La deuxième initiative concerne directement les médias des pays membres de l'UEMOA. Une « journée d'information UEMOA » sera organisée en collaboration avec la Direction de la communication de la Commission.

L'activité est prévue dans chacun des huit États membres et sera consacrée à l'actualité, aux missions et aux différents chantiers de l'Union. Les médias participants seront invités à produire, à cette occasion, des contenus exclusivement consacrés à l'UEMOA.

Cette initiative vise à renforcer la diffusion de l'information communautaire auprès des populations et à accroître la visibilité des actions de l'Union. Elle entend également renforcer la participation des médias à la dynamique d'intégration régionale.

F. A. A.

La digitalisation des services fiscaux gagne du terrain au Bénin. Après les premières étapes de déploiement, la Direction Générale des Impôts (DGI) s'apprête à ouvrir sa plateforme e-services.impots.bj à de nouveaux contribuables relevant des Centres des Impôts des Petites Entreprises (CIPE) de Parakou, Comè et Lokossa.

Parakou ouvrira le bal le 21 septembre 2026, suivi de Comè le 28 septembre, puis de Lokossa le 5 octobre dans le cadre du déploiement de la plateforme e-services.impots.bj

A travers cette extension, la DGI entend rapprocher davantage les services fiscaux des petits contribuables, en limitant notamment les déplacements liés aux démarches administratives. Déclarations et paiements pourront ainsi être effectués en ligne, avec l'objectif affiché de rendre les opérations plus simples et sécurisées.

Des documents fiscaux accessibles en ligne

La plateforme doit également permettre aux usagers d'obtenir directement plusieurs documents fiscaux, notamment les quittances et les attestations de régularité fiscale. Une évolution qui réduit le recours aux démarches physiques auprès des services des impôts.

M. M.

LE COMMUNIQUE DE LA DGI

Thursday 17 September

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

By CIVICUS
Sep 17 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses renewed conflict and a growing crackdown on independent media in Ethiopia with Yonas Kedir, Editor-in-Chief of the independent news outlet Addis Standard, who was recently abducted and detained by government forces.

Yonas Kedir

Fighting has resumed in western Tigray, straining the 2022 peace agreement that ended a war that killed hundreds of thousands of people. As the government and armed groups trade blame for the renewed violence, independent journalists trying to report on it are coming under mounting pressure. Reporters covering the conflict and its consequences face abduction, detention, harassment and surveillance, leaving Ethiopians with fewer ways to find out what is happening.

What’s the current situation in Ethiopia?

Ethiopia is facing overlapping humanitarian, political and security crises. Armed conflict continues in Amhara and Oromia states, while Tigray remains scarred by the devastating 2020-2022 war. Displacement continues, territorial disputes remain unresolved and the peace agreement has only been partly implemented.

Armed conflict and insecurity have also spread to Benishangul-Gumuz, Gambela and other parts of Ethiopia. Tensions between the federal government and Tigrayan authorities have intensified. The government alleges that Eritrea is backing the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and other armed groups. Relations with Eritrea are strained, particularly by disputes over Red Sea access and regional security, and Ethiopia is under growing scrutiny over its alleged role in Sudan’s civil war.

The government says Ethiopia faces an anti-federal military movement involving Eritrea, Sudan, the Oromo Liberation Army, Tigray forces and Fano, an Amhara nationalist militia, accusing them of working as an alliance to unseat the federal government. These are highly contested claims, but they shape the government’s framing of the security environment.

Why are journalists being targeted, and why is the pressure escalating?

Journalists are targeted because independent reporting can challenge official narratives and expose abuses, civilian harm and government conduct. When journalists investigate alleged abuses by government forces, authorities present their work as damaging Ethiopia’s national security or serving foreign interests.

There’s a growing tendency to treat independent journalism as a national security threat. Government officials often call on the media to prioritise the national interest and national unity, while treating critical reporting on sensitive issues as inherently harmful to the country.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented a deteriorating environment for independent media, including detention, intimidation, restrictions and the use of broad national security and national interest arguments against critical reporting. In this context, legitimate public-interest reporting can be interpreted by authorities or politicians as taking sides.

The pressure has intensified because several politically sensitive issues are converging at the same time, including the political environment, the security situation, the unresolved consequences of the Tigray war, tensions involving Eritrea and Sudan and debates over Ethiopia’s constitutional and political future.

The most recent election was held in a highly contested political environment, with several major opposition parties boycotting the process. This has raised questions about the inclusiveness and broader political legitimacy of the electoral process, particularly in a context where political space for opposition political figures and independent voices remains constrained.

These issues make independent reporting particularly important, but also make journalism on governance and political issues increasingly sensitive.

Why were you detained, and what happened while you were held?

I don’t know for sure who ordered my detention, and nor can I establish the full motive. But the questions I was asked and the circumstances around them strongly suggest my journalistic work was central to what happened.

On 1 August, security personnel took me, assaulted me, blindfolded me and held me for around 24 hours. They questioned me about my work and about Addis Standard’s reporting. While I was detained, security forces raided Addis Standard’s office and seized cameras and other newsroom equipment. They also searched my home and confiscated company and personal equipment. I was released the next day.

For me, this was bigger than myself. The fact that I was questioned about my work and that newsroom equipment was seized raises concerns about the safety of all journalists and the ability of independent media to operate freely.

What conditions do journalists face in Ethiopia, and what are the consequences of the loss of independent reporting?

Journalists in Ethiopia operate in an environment of fear and uncertainty, facing administrative restrictions, arrest, detention, harassment, online intimidation, physical attacks and surveillance. This is particularly true for those in conflict areas, where access can be restricted, sources are often afraid to speak and journalists face pressure from multiple sides, not only federal authorities but also armed and political groups.

This encourages self-censorship. Journalists avoid particular subjects, soften their language or decide not to publish information that could put themselves, colleagues or sources in danger. This leaves people with very limited access to reliable information about decisions that affect their lives.

Independent journalism provides a mechanism for documenting alleged abuses, civilian casualties, displacement and humanitarian needs. A healthy information environment is essential for meaningful public participation, national dialogue and peacebuilding. When independent reporting is weakened, victims and communities lose a public platform to raise concerns. It also becomes harder for people to distinguish verified information from disinformation, propaganda and politically motivated narratives.

What support do Ethiopian journalists and civil society need?

The international community should help build stronger protection and rapid-response mechanisms for when journalists are attacked, detained and threatened, and should press for meaningful accountability for abuses against journalists and media organisations.

International partners should provide legal and institutional support to help media organisations challenge arbitrary licence revocations, unlawful restrictions and other forms of administrative pressure. They should support efforts to strengthen the independence of Ethiopia’s judiciary, so it can protect fundamental rights and provide meaningful remedies when state institutions act unlawfully.

International partners should also give very serious attention to protecting people’s right to organise around their aspirations, grievances and interests, which is essential to peaceful political participation. Expanding civic space can strengthen peace processes and peacebuilding, while suppressing these rights can contribute to the expansion of conflict.

Finally, international partners should continue to monitor Ethiopia’s civic space, engage authorities and support independent investigations. Reporting on abuses shouldn’t be treated as a threat to national interest. It’s part of the public’s right to know. International engagement should also look beyond whether constitutional initiatives, elections and national dialogue processes take place on paper, and assess whether these processes are genuinely inclusive, participatory and protective of fundamental rights.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
Ethiopia: Authorities intensify media crackdown ahead of national elections CIVICUS Monitor 31.Jul.2026
Ethiopia: ‘The goal behind the bill is very clear: to control, silence and disable civil society’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Yared Hailemariam 28.Jul.2025
Ethiopia: ‘Reconciliation will require robust transitional justice and accountability mechanisms’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Henok Ashagray and Hone Mandefro 29.Jan.2025

 

 

 

 

By Mohammad Zaman
DHAKA, Bangladesh, Sep 17 2026 (IPS)

Bangladesh is rightly praised for saving lives during cyclones and floods. Early warning systems, cyclone shelters and community mobilisation have turned once-catastrophic disasters into emergencies in which evacuation is often possible. But behind that success lies a quieter national failure: millions of people are being uprooted inside the country, often more than once, without a clear path back to secure homes, land or livelihoods.

Dr Mohammad Zaman

An internally displaced person, or IDP, is someone forced to leave home by conflict, violence, rights abuses or disasters, but who remains within their own country. That distinction is crucial. Refugees cross an international border and seek protection elsewhere. IDPs stay inside their state, where the national government remains primarily responsible for their protection and assistance.

In Bangladesh, this distinction is not academic. A Rohingya family that fled Myanmar into Cox’s Bazar is rightly understood as part of a refugee crisis. A Bangladeshi family forced from a riverbank in Kazipur-Sirajganj, a cyclone-hit village in Barguna or Patuakhali, or a landslide-prone hillside in Chattogram is internally displaced. The first case draws international refugee law and a global humanitarian apparatus. The second is too often dismissed as local misfortune, seasonal migration or urban poverty—even when the displacement is forced, repeated and long-term.

The drivers are unmistakable. Monsoon floods, cyclones, storm surges and landslides trigger large annual movements. Slower disasters—riverbank erosion, salinity intrusion and coastal land loss—make return impossible for many families. Conflict and violence produce smaller annual movements, but protracted displacement in the Chittagong Hill Tracts remains unresolved. Development projects, urban evictions and infrastructure expansion can also uproot communities when resettlement and compensation fall short.

The numbers show why Bangladesh can no longer treat internal displacement as a temporary humanitarian footnote. The Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre reported about 2.4 million disaster-related displacements in Bangladesh in 2024, up from about 1.8 million in 2023. Monsoon floods alone triggered around 1.3 million movements, including an estimated 723,000 in Sylhet division in June. Cyclone Remal added roughly 1.1 million displacements, many of them pre-emptive evacuations that saved lives but still disrupted homes, schools, work and local economies. Conflict and violence accounted for about 2,800 displacements.

New national evidence makes the picture starker. The International Organization for Migration’s Displacement Tracking Matrix estimated 5 million disaster-induced IDPs in Bangladesh in its 2025 nationwide assessment. Nearly two-thirds had been displaced before April 2020, meaning many have lived with displacement for years, not weeks. One quarter were concentrated in just four districts—Chattogram, Sirajganj, Bhola and Noakhali—while Chattogram and Dhaka divisions together hosted about 40 per cent of the estimated displaced population.

These figures expose an unequal geography of risk. Coastal households face cyclones, storm surges, saline water and embankment failures. Riverine communities in the north and centre lose land to erosion. City slums absorb families who arrive after disasters, only to place them in flood-prone, insecure and poorly serviced neighbourhoods. Women, children, older people and persons with disabilities face particular barriers in evacuation, shelter access, documentation, employment and safe housing. Displacement is not simply movement from one place to another; it can strip people of assets, identity, social networks, education and political voice.

Bangladesh’s IDP crisis is best understood as a development crisis with humanitarian symptoms. The country is comparatively strong at emergency response: it can warn people, open shelters and move communities away from immediate danger. The harder work begins after the water recedes—restoring land, rebuilding homes, returning children to school, replacing fishing gear or livestock, securing tenure in safer locations, and preventing displaced families from being pushed into exploitative labour or unsafe housing. Without durable solutions—safe return, local integration or planned relocation—each disaster deepens the last.

Bangladesh has a policy foundation, including its National Strategy on Internal Displacement Management. What it lacks is implementation at the scale demanded by climate reality. Internal displacement must be built into land-use planning, social protection, climate adaptation, urban housing, education, health care and local government finance. Data systems should distinguish short-term evacuations from protracted displacement. Relief, relocation and resettlement must be transparent, participatory and centred on livelihoods—not merely a transfer from one unsafe place to another.

Ashrayan, Bangladesh’s flagship housing program for landless and homeless families, offers both a useful model and a warning. Since 1997, it has given many poor households a legal roof, a small plot and access to basic services. For families living for years on embankments, khas land, riverbanks or in insecure urban settlements, secure shelter can be life-changing. But Ashrayan also shows why housing cannot be mistaken for rehabilitation. A house in the wrong place—without work nearby, transport, drainage, schools, health care or local accountability—can become another form of confinement. The real test is not how many units are handed over, but whether families can rebuild livelihoods and belong to the communities that receive them.

The recurring failures are practical and political. Too many Ashrayan-style resettlement sites are chosen because public or khas land is available, not because the location offers a realistic route out of poverty. Weak construction, poor drainage, inadequate sanitation, limited maintenance and exposure to floods or erosion can undermine relocation itself. Governance failures—unclear beneficiary selection, local influence, informal payments, land disputes and weak grievance systems—can be just as damaging. When these problems occur, families may gain a roof while losing the social networks, markets and informal economies that kept them afloat. Some commute long distances; some rent out or abandon the unit; some move again. That is not a failure of the displaced. It is a warning about policy design.

The future will be harsher if policy remains reactive. Climate change will intensify the hazards that already uproot families—heavier rainfall, stronger storm surges, sea-level rise, salinity and river erosion—while urbanisation will keep pulling displaced people into already strained cities such as Dhaka, Chattogram and secondary urban centres. Bangladesh has proved through cyclone preparedness that public policy can save lives. Its next test is whether those who survive disaster can also recover dignity, income and security afterward.

That begins with treating IDPs as rights-holders, not as casualties of bad weather. Bangladesh must move beyond emergency shelter toward secure housing, restored livelihoods and accountable national systems backed by climate finance. Resettlement must be written into land policy, local budgets, urban planning, social protection and climate adaptation before the next flood or cyclone arrives. The choice is stark: displacement can remain a conveyor belt into poverty, or it can become a national commitment to safety, citizenship and a future people can rebuild.

Dr. Mohammad Zaman is an internationally recognized scholar and practitioner in resettlement and development projects across Asia and Africa. His work brings together academic scholarship, field-based practice, social safeguards, and policy engagement, with a particular focus on how affected communities experience, negotiate, and reshape development interventions. Dr. Zaman’s most recent book is Anatomy of Resettlement: Ethnographic Accounts and Stories in Retrospect (Bloomsbury Academic, 2025).

IPS UN Bureau

 

 

 

 

Le transport universitaire reprend du service au Bénin. Pour faciliter l'accès aux tickets, le ministère de l'Enseignement supérieur et de la Recherche scientifique met en place une procédure d'achat entièrement en ligne.

Les étudiants peuvent désormais se procurer leur ticket sans se déplacer. La démarche se fait sur la plateforme https://univservices.bj/, en se connectant via RBER Connect avec leur NPI, qui sert d'identifiant unique.

Une fois dans leur espace personnel, il suffit de sélectionner la rubrique « Transport » et de procéder à l'achat du ticket, fixé à 200 FCFA.

Pour une première connexion, le ministère précise que le numéro matricule fait office de mot de passe par défaut.

En cas de difficulté ou pour toute information complémentaire, un numéro d'assistance est mis à la disposition des étudiants : +229 01 52 61 10 10.

M. M.

DIGITAL 20H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

Le tirage DIGITAL 20H N°182 a livré son verdict !

Mercredi 16 Septembre 2026

Avez-vous joué ?

Avez-vous misé sur vos numéros porte-bonheur ?

RÉSULTAT : 68• 57 • 18 • 40 • 60

Félicitations aux heureux gagnants !

Pas encore cette fois ? Gardez le sourire.

Rendez-vous à 00H pour le prochain tirage.

Jouez dans nos points de vente ou : Tapez *590# ou rendez-vous sur lnbloto.bj

Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

Le ministre de l’Habitat, Mohamed Tarek Belaribi, a présidé ce mercredi l’installation officielle d’une commission multisectorielle. Cette structure doit élaborer une loi sur la construction […]

L’article Après les incendies, l’Algérie prépare une nouvelle loi sur la construction en zones forestières est apparu en premier sur .

L'Union des Professionnels des Médias du Bénin (UPMB) entend renforcer la place de la presse dans la promotion de l'image du Bénin à l'étranger. Dans cette dynamique, une délégation du Bureau exécutif national de la 8e mandature a échangé, mercredi 16 septembre 2026 à Cotonou, avec l'équipe de l'agence Bénin Influence, conduite par Claudy Siar.

Les discussions entre l'UPMB et l'agence Bénin Influence ont porté sur le nation branding et sur la capacité des médias à contribuer à une meilleure visibilité du Bénin. Tourisme, culture, agriculture, économie et transformation du Bénin ont notamment été évoqués comme autant de domaines susceptibles de nourrir le récit national et de renforcer son attractivité.

Chargé de mission à la Culture, aux Médias et à la Visibilité du Bénin, Claudy Siar a présenté aux professionnels des médias sa vision et les ambitions de Bénin Influence. L'initiative entend notamment faire connaître davantage le Bénin à l'international, mettre en lumière ses potentialités et donner une plus grande portée aux réussites enregistrées sur le territoire.

Valoriser les atouts du Bénin par l'information

Pour l'UPMB, la presse béninoise dispose d'un atout majeur : sa connaissance du terrain. À travers leurs reportages et leurs enquêtes, les journalistes produisent quotidiennement des récits sur les réalités, les transformations et les richesses du pays. Leur implication dans une stratégie de visibilité internationale apparaît ainsi comme un levier important.

La rencontre ouvre également des perspectives de collaboration autour du renforcement des compétences des professionnels des médias. L'objectif est de permettre aux journalistes de mieux contribuer à la construction et à la diffusion d'une image du Bénin portée à la fois par les réalités locales et par une audience internationale.

Cette séance de travail marque ainsi une première étape vers une synergie entre l'UPMB et Bénin Influence.
M. M.