Balkans Occidentaux

Credit: Rajesh Jantilal/AFP

By Andrew Firmin
LONDON, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)

On 7 April, the government of Cameroon published a list of 16 of its citizens confirmed killed fighting for Russia against Ukraine. That means the number of Cameroon citizens killed in this distant war has likely surpassed a hundred, making the country the biggest victim of a Russian recruitment drive increasingly focused on Africa.

Conflict attrition

When Vladimir Putin launched Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, he probably assumed the war would be over in days. But now it has ground on past the four-year mark, and Russia’s tactics have brought horrendous loss of life on both sides. Putin treats his soldiers’ lives as disposable, throwing wave after wave of troops at Ukrainian lines in what have been called ‘meat grinder’ assaults. Amid pervasive disinformation, casualty estimates vary widely. A project to count confirmed deaths puts Russian military fatalities at over 206,000, while some estimates reach 1.3 million. Russia is reportedly losing soldiers faster than it can replace them.

Putin has turned to North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un: since 2024, North Korean forces have been fighting alongside Russian troops. Over 20,000 have been deployed, with a reported 6,000 casualties. Russia has also recruited from Central Asian countries and long-term allies such as Cuba. Ukraine too has brought in thousands of foreign fighters, including Colombian mercenaries. Now Russia is increasingly turning to Africa.

Russia’s African strategy

Putin has spent years cultivating relationships with African states, helping Russia resist international isolation and counter pressure from western states. The military relationship has been two-way: Russian mercenaries from the shadowy Wagner Group, now closely controlled by the government, have been deployed in as many as 18 African countries, including Burkina Faso, the Central African Republic and Mali. In some, they fight alongside government forces against insurgent groups; in others, including Libya, where two rival governments contest power, and Sudan, home to a brutal civil war, they’re backing one of two sides fighting for power. Wherever they operate, Russian mercenaries are accused of committing atrocities.

Russia’s arrival has come with some public support, cast as an alternative to the former colonial power France and promising more equal partnerships. When Wagner forces entered Mali in 2022, crowds lined the roads to greet them, waving Russian flags. Extensive pro-Russia disinformation campaigns typically precede Russia’s military involvement, laying the groundwork for such welcomes.

The relationship is extractive: in return for soldiers, Russia typically receives natural resources, including diamonds and gold, which help sustain a war that, despite Russia’s anti-imperialist posturing in Africa, is fundamentally imperial.

Repressive Central and West African governments, several run by military juntas or former army leaders who’ve traded their uniforms for civilian clothes, value a partner with no interest in scrutinising their human rights performance. Civil society organisations and media that try to expose human rights abuses by Russian forces come under attack.

From Africa to the frontlines

Russia is now exploiting the economic insecurity of many young African men, recruiting them to serve – and possibly die – on the Ukrainian front. Extensive recent civil society research has verified that Russia has so far recruited 1,417 African nationals, with the true figure almost certainly higher. The numbers have increased year on year, indicating a systematic plan. Egypt has supplied the most recruits, followed by Cameroon and Ghana. Of 1,417 verified recruits, 316, 22 per cent, have reportedly been killed.

Some recruits have expressed support for Russia online. Others are attracted by the promise of Russian citizenship and wages that far exceed anything they could earn at home. They may compare Russia’s apparent openness, signalled by its recent relaxation of visa requirements, with Europe’s increasing hostility towards migrants.

Others who’ve managed to escape report being conned. Fake job adverts made them believe they were signing up for civilian or support roles, including jobs as plumbers and security guards. On arrival, recruits are forced sign Russian-language contracts they can’t read, given minimal training and dispatched to the frontlines. The average service length of those killed is just six months, evidence that Russia treats them as expendable.

Intermediaries – including social media influencers who promote recruitment, travel agencies and people trafficking networks – are profiting from supplying recruits. In a bizarre political twist, Duduzile Zuma-Sambudla, a daughter of former South African president Jacob Zuma, is among those accused of recruiting Africans, including some falsely told they’d be trained as bodyguards for her father’s party. In December, South African police arrested five people on charges related to the recruitment of South Africans, including a journalist known for spreading pro-Russia propaganda.

Pressure for accountability

As evidence has accumulated, several African governments have taken action. The government of Togo warned its citizens about the dangers and, when several Togolese soldiers were captured in Ukraine, confirmed they’d been lured there by false promises of jobs and educational opportunities. Last year, the government of Botswana announced it was investigating the cases of two young men who believed they were signing up for a short-term military training programme but were forced to fight. In February, Ghana’s foreign minister confirmed that at least 55 of his country’s citizens had been killed and travelled to Ukraine to seek the release of Ghanaian prisoners of war. Police in Kenya and South African have arrested people trafficking gangs and closed down recruitment agencies. The Kenyan government recently announced Russia had agreed to stop recruiting Kenyan citizens, offering evidence that sustained bilateral pressure can produce results.

But many other African governments remain in denial, placing warm relations with Russia above the lives of their citizens. By doing so, they’re making clear that those lives are as disposable to them as they are to Russia.

Far more states must press Russia to end its abusive recruitment practices. And for international partners who claim to care about the welfare of young Africans, there’s a clear starting point: help address the economic conditions that create a ready pool of desperate recruits and drop the hostile migration policies that make Russia, of all places, look like a desirable destination.

Andrew Firmin is CIVICUS Editor-in-Chief, co-director and writer for CIVICUS Lens and co-author of the State of Civil Society Report.

For interviews or more information, please contact research@civicus.org

 

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Les autorités de la république sécessionniste de Transnistrie rejettent fermement le projet d'intégration économique proposé par le gouvernement central de Moldavie. Moscou essaye de revenir dans le jeu en invoquant le format de négociation « 5+2 ».

- Le fil de l'Info / Moldavie, Relations régionales, Courrier des Balkans, Transnistrie

UNDP collaborations have shown what is possible when satellite data and recovery planning work together. Credit: UNDP

By Mukul Bhola and Devanand Ramiah
UNITED NATIONS, Apr 20 2026 (IPS)

We are stuck in response mode. But what good is an ambulance without a hospital?

Climate shocks are intensifying. Conflict is at record levels. Economies are fragile. Humanitarian appeals grow larger each year, while donor countries prioritise domestic and security concerns. One emergency follows another. Recovery slips further out of reach.

For years, the logic was straightforward: first save lives, then rebuild them. But in an era of overlapping shocks, that division is costly. By the time recovery begins, families have sold livestock, businesses have closed, children have left school, and local institutions are weaker than before. Crisis becomes the default condition.

If we want fewer protracted emergencies, recovery must start on day one.

The first 48 hours after a crisis are decisive. When authorities know which roads are blocked, which clinics are damaged, which markets are underwater, they can act immediately. Debris can be cleared before trade stalls. Water systems can be repaired before disease spreads. Small enterprises can reopen before savings disappear.

Until recently, a major obstacle was the speed and reliability of information. Governments were often forced to plan with fragmented or delayed data. Damage figures arrived weeks late. Assessments overlapped. Resources were deployed based on rough estimates rather than solid evidence.

That constraint is rapidly diminishing.

In Burundi after storms damaged thousands of homes, a rapid assessment measured losses to farms, houses, public infrastructure and businesses. Credit: UNDP Burundi

In recent years, collaboration between UNDP and the United Nations Satellite Centre, hosted at United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR), has shown what is possible when satellite data and recovery planning work together.

High-resolution imagery can now identify damaged buildings within days. Follow-up checks on the ground turn those findings into clear estimates of debris, lost livelihoods, disrupted services and the cost of rebuilding.

This is not simply faster mapping. It is a coordinated process: rapid satellite images, quick damage analysis, ground checks and immediate use of the results to guide recovery priorities and investment decisions.

In Colombia after widespread flooding, ground teams confirmed crop losses and blocked river transport, allowing recovery efforts to begin. Credit: UNDP Colombia

In Jamaica, when Hurricane Melissa struck in 2025, satellite images quickly showed the extent of the damage. Recovery teams used that information to estimate debris and plan its removal, reopening transport routes and clearing the way for reconstruction.

In Colombia’s 2024 rainy season, intensified by Tropical Storm Rafael, radar images revealed widespread flooding in Chocó and La Guajira. Ground teams confirmed crop losses and blocked river transport, allowing recovery efforts to begin before more families were forced to move.

Credit: UNDP Jamaica

After El Niño-driven storms, floods and landslides displaced hundreds of thousands in Burundi and damaged thousands of homes, a rapid assessment measured losses to farms, houses, public infrastructure and businesses. Those estimates helped set national recovery priorities and supported early talks with funders.

The pattern is consistent: when impact data arrives early, recovery decisions improve, creating the conditions for crises to shorten. Technology alone does not achieve this. Institutions that can operationalize evidence do.

The technology continues to improve. With stronger collaboration, credible estimates of physical damage and economic impact can now often be produced within 48 hours. Obstacles remain, including imagery access, weather and capacity constraints, but progress is unmistakable.

The financing architecture, however, still reflects the older reality. Emergency funding is designed to move quickly. Recovery financing often requires additional assessments, new appeals or prolonged negotiations. The result is a predictable lag between knowing the damage and investing in repair.

That lag is no longer defensible. When development actors and satellite analysts produce validated impact estimates within days, financing decisions should align with that speed.

Breaking the cycle of repeated emergency appeals will require more than improved analysis. It will require donors and institutions to treat early recovery as integral to response and to align financing with the pace of evidence.

In an age of permanent crisis, responding sequentially is a luxury the system can no longer afford. The first 48 hours should not only save lives. They should set recovery in motion.

Mukul Bhola is Director, United Nations Satellite Centre, UNITAR; Devanand Ramiah is Director of Crisis Readiness, Response and Recovery, UNDP

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Le pari est presque gagné pour l'ancien président Roumen Radev. Sa formation Bulgarie progressiste arrive très largement en tête des législatives de ce dimanche en Bulgarie, avec près de 45 % des suffrages. Reste à savoir avec qui l'ancien général de l'armée de l'air s'alliera pour former une majorité.

- Le fil de l'Info / Politique, Bulgarie, GERB, Courrier des Balkans

Le vétéran Goran Samardžić avait salué avec émotion, il y a un an, les étudiants de Novi Pazar en lutte contre le régime Vučić. Dans sa jeunesse, il s'était pourtant engagé dans l'armée serbe « pour se battre contre les Turcs » en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Portrait d'un homme qui a changé et se bat désormais pour la réconciliation.

- Articles / Serbie, Politique, Personnalités, Vucic, Courrier des Balkans

Le vétéran Goran Samardžić avait salué avec émotion, il y a un an, les étudiants de Novi Pazar en lutte contre le régime Vučić. Dans sa jeunesse, il s'était pourtant engagé dans l'armée serbe « pour se battre contre les Turcs » en Bosnie-Herzégovine. Portrait d'un homme qui a changé et se bat désormais pour la réconciliation.

- Articles / Serbie, Politique, Une - Diaporama, Personnalités, Vucic, Courrier des Balkans

Le Tour de Bosnie-Herzégovine est parti vendredi de Sarajevo. Cette première course cycliste professionnelle réunit 175 coureurs de 38 pays sur un parcours de trois étapes entre Sarajevo et Neum. Un événement qui vise à renforcer la visibilité du pays et à valoriser son potentiel touristique.

- Le fil de l'Info / Bosnie-Herzégovine, Sports, Tourisme balkans, Courrier des Balkans

Le Tour de Bosnie-Herzégovine est parti vendredi de Sarajevo. Cette première course cycliste professionnelle réunit 175 coureurs de 38 pays sur un parcours de trois étapes entre Sarajevo et Neum. Un événement qui vise à renforcer la visibilité du pays et à valoriser son potentiel touristique.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama - En premier, Une - Diaporama, Bosnie-Herzégovine, Sports, Tourisme balkans, Courrier des Balkans

Avec Mathilde Boderiou le samedi 18 avril 2026 de 10h à 16h30 à St Segal.
Ce stage est ouvert à toute personne qui chante déjà un peu ou beaucoup, et désire découvrir des chants polyphoniques des Balkans : répertoire de chants traditionnels de Macédoine, Serbie ou Bulgarie : travail d'oreille avec appui du texte, deux ou trois voix, étude de rythmes impairs, contexte des chants.
Tarif : 40 euros la journée du samedi
Lieu : Bistrot Amzer Zo, à St Segal
Repas : Possibilité de réserver (…)

- Agenda / France - Régions

Vendredi 17 avril 2026 à 18 heures au campus Malesherbes (amphithéâtre 128) au 108, boulevard Malesherbes 75017 Paris

- Agenda / Monténégro, Région parisienne

Vendredi 17 avril 2026 à 18 heures au campus Malesherbes (amphithéâtre 128) au 108, boulevard Malesherbes 75017 Paris

- Agenda / Monténégro, Région parisienne

- Agenda / Région parisienne

Dans un précédent article, j'examinais comment le régime d'Aleksandar Vučić avait fait du droit pénal un instrument de pression politique, en visant l'avocat Čedomir Stojković. Ce cas constituait déjà un signal préoccupant pour les défenseurs des droits humains. Pourtant, les événements du printemps 2026 révèlent une évolution plus profonde — et, dans un sens presque kafkaïen, plus subtile — du dispositif répressif serbe.
Ce que les médias proches du pouvoir présentent comme une « mesure (…)

- Notes et racines. Le blog de Valentin Smoliak / Serbie, Blogs - Diaporama

Dans un précédent article, j'examinais comment le régime d'Aleksandar Vučić avait fait du droit pénal un instrument de pression politique, en visant l'avocat Čedomir Stojković. Ce cas constituait déjà un signal préoccupant pour les défenseurs des droits humains. Pourtant, les événements du printemps 2026 révèlent une évolution plus profonde — et, dans un sens presque kafkaïen, plus subtile — du dispositif répressif serbe.
Ce que les médias proches du pouvoir présentent comme une « mesure (…)

- Notes et racines. Le blog de Valentin Smoliak / Serbie, Blogs - Diaporama

La victoire de Péter Magyar en Hongrie relance une question sensible en Macédoine du Nord : celle du retour de l'ancien Premier ministre Nikola Gruevski. Son éventuelle extradition pourrait devenir un test majeur pour l'État de droit et la stabilité politique du pays.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Défense, police et justice, Macédoine du Nord, Relations régionales, Courrier des Balkans, Politique Macédoine

La victoire de Péter Magyar en Hongrie relance une question sensible en Macédoine du Nord : celle du retour de l'ancien Premier ministre Nikola Gruevski. Son éventuelle extradition pourrait devenir un test majeur pour l'État de droit et la stabilité politique du pays.

- Articles / Une - Diaporama, Défense, police et justice, Macédoine du Nord, Relations régionales, Courrier des Balkans, Politique Macédoine

Une exposition en plein air sur les massacres de la guerre a été retirée de la rue piétonne de Pristina, après avoir provoqué de vives polémiques. Au-delà des accusations et des récupérations politiques, le Kosovo est toujours incapable de faire face à cette mémoire douloureuse. Point de vue.

- Articles / Histoire, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Kosovo, Culture et éducation, Une - Diaporama, Kosovo 2.0, Bombardements OTAN

Une exposition en plein air sur les massacres de la guerre a été retirée de la rue piétonne de Pristina, après avoir provoqué de vives polémiques. Au-delà des accusations et des récupérations politiques, le Kosovo est toujours incapable de faire face à cette mémoire douloureuse. Point de vue.

- Articles / Histoire, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Kosovo, Culture et éducation, Une - Diaporama, Kosovo 2.0, Bombardements OTAN

Une exposition en plein air sur les massacres de la guerre a été retirée de la rue piétonne de Pristina, après avoir provoqué de vives polémiques. Au-delà des accusations et des récupérations politiques, le Kosovo est toujours incapable de faire face à cette mémoire douloureuse. Point de vue.

- Articles / Histoire, Une - Diaporama - En premier, Kosovo, Culture et éducation, Une - Diaporama, Kosovo 2.0, Bombardements OTAN

Jeudi 16 avril 2026 à 16 heures à la bibliothèque Malesherbes (108, boulevard Malesherbes 75017 Paris).

- Agenda / Monténégro, Région parisienne