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Forró nyári napokon a mediterrán térség és az adriai partvidék csendjét gyakran veri fel a csillagmotorok vagy a légcsavaros gázturbinák jellegzetes hangja. Aztán feltűnik a hang gazdája is, egy robusztus, sárga amfíbia, amint szorgalmasan ingázik egy erdő- vagy bozóttűz helyszíne és a vízfelvétel helye között. Ez a szerkezet nem más, mint a kanadai CL-215-ös vagy továbbfejlesztett változata, a CL-415-ös, amely a helikopterek mellett a légi tűzoltás egyik leghasznosabb eszköze.

A CL-215-ös és 415-ös a középutat képviseli a légi tűzoltás területén. A csúcskategóriát a nagy oltóteljesítményű szárazföldi típusok jelentik, ezek képesek a legtöbb vizet szállítani, de megfelelő futópályával rendelkező repülőtérhez vannak kötve és az utántöltésük hosszú ideig tart. A lista másik végén a különböző teherbírású helikopterek vannak, amelyek általában külső függesztésű tartállyal, például a nálunk is ismert Bambi Buckettel dolgoznak. Előnyük, hogy a tűz közelében lévő helyről meríthetnek, de viszonylag lassúak és különösen a kisebb típusok esetében, korlátozott az általuk felvehető vízmennyiség is. A köztes megoldás az olyan kétéltű repülőgép, amely szárazföldi bázisú, de vízfelületről tud nagy mennyiségű vizet felvenni és azt gyorsan a tűzre dobni. Ez utóbbi kategóriába tartozik a CL-215-ös és az újabb CL-415-ös, amelynek kifejlesztése még a hatvanas években kezdődött. 

[...] Bővebben!

A versailles-i kastélyt jól ismerik a turisták: XIV. Lajos lakosztálya, tükörterem, pazar gazdagság…. De azt kevesen tudják, hogy a kastély ----> tovább olvasok!

The post Versailles nemcsak múzeum, ma is használja az elnök és a Parlament is appeared first on FRANCIA POLITIKA.

House of Compassion Place du Béguinage - 1000 Bruxelles
Anna Lodeserto, journaliste et chercheuse Nicolas Lesenfants Ramos, photojournaliste (en ligne) The “Adriatic Guantanamo” Le “Guantánamo Adriatique”
Le vendredi 20 juin, à l'occasion de la « Journée Mondiale des Réfugiés », la House of Compassion accueillera, dans le cadre de la semaine de mobilisation en soutien à la population palestinienne intitulée « Faim de justice pour la Palestine – Hunger Strike for Palestine », une (…)

- Agenda / Belgique et Luxembourg, Albanie

Enfances brisées, frites huileuses, percussions libératrices… Deuxième salve de perles glanées au festival « off » d'Avignon.

- Contrebande / Théâtre

Ein Kniefall vor Donald Trump? Groß war die Kritik am neuen Handelsdeal der EU mit dem US-Präsidenten. Die Abmachung ist nicht nur fürs Klima ein Desaster, mahnt Claudia Kemfert – sie droht auch einen alten Fehler der Vergangenheit zu wiederholen., Die jüngste Beilegung des Zollstreits zwischen den USA und der EU umfasst weitaus mehr als Zölle. So hat sich die EU offenbar verpflichtet, bis zum Ende von Trumps Amtszeit für 750 Milliarden Dollar amerikanische Energie zu kaufen. Das mag zunächst nach einem Handelserfolg klingen, nach ...

In this merged edition of MORE, Bledar Feta and Çelik Rruplli examine the trajectory of Albania’s judicial reform, launched in 2016 as part of the country’s EU accession efforts and broader attempts to strengthen democracy, the rule of law, and public trust in institutions. A central component of the reform is the establishment of SPAK, the Special Anti-Corruption Structure, an independent judicial body tasked with investigating and prosecuting high-level corruption and organized crime.

Operational since late 2019, SPAK has filed charges against senior officials from both the current and former administrations. Public trust in the institution has grown significantly, with recent data from a Euronews Albania Barometer survey indicating that 52.1% of citizens now express confidence in SPAK, making it the most trusted institution in the country for the first time. Furthermore, 70.7% of respondents evaluated its performance positively, while both figures have risen by 10% since January 2025. High-profile cases including the arrest of Tirana mayor Erion Veliaj have further solidified SPAK’s credibility in the public eye. While this progress has contributed to Albania advancing its EU accession process, particularly in the areas of fundamental rights and the rule of law, major challenges remain. These include a shortage of magistrates, case backlogs, and perceptions of corruption that remain persistently high, despite signs of increased public cooperation with judicial institutions.

This paper is part of the Media Observatory Reports (MORE) and covers the period from October 2023 to February 2025. It highlights how media coverage of justice reform in Albania—particularly regarding SPAK—has been extensive but often polarized. While the media plays a vital role in shaping public understanding, it also tends to amplify political narratives, undermining objective scrutiny and contributing to confusion about the aims and progress of the reform. The Media Observatory Reports are part of the broader “ALGREE – Albania-Greece: Understanding. Connecting. Partnering” project implemented by the South-East Europe Programme of the Hellenic Foundation for Foreign & European Policy (ELIAMEP) with support from the Open Society Foundations Western Balkans (OSFWB) and the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Greece and Cyprus (FNF). They are based on the systematic monitoring and analysis of leading Greek and Albanian media, with a focus on how each country reports on the other as well as on issues of common interest.

You can read the paper in Greek, Albanian and English.

Issue de la communauté aroumaine de Macédoine du Nord, la linguiste Lila Kona s'inquiète de la lente disparition de sa langue maternelle, dernier pilier identitaire d'un peuple sans État. Elle appelle à la pleine reconnaissance d'une minorité tsintsare en Serbie, son pays d'adoption.

- Articles / Macédoine du Nord, Serbie, Populations, minorités et migrations, Culture et éducation, Vreme (Serbie)

Issue de la communauté aroumaine de Macédoine du Nord, la linguiste Lila Kona s'inquiète de la lente disparition de sa langue maternelle, dernier pilier identitaire d'un peuple sans État. Elle appelle à la pleine reconnaissance d'une minorité tsintsare en Serbie, son pays d'adoption.

- Articles / Macédoine du Nord, Serbie, Populations, minorités et migrations, Culture et éducation, Vreme (Serbie)

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IPI’s Women, Peace and Security program, in partnership with the Elsie Initiative for Women in Peace Operations (led by Global Affairs Canada), the United Nations Office of the Special Coordinator on Improving the UN Response to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and the Gender and Security Sector Lab, cohosted a virtual policy forum on July 30th on “Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Harassment (SEAH) in UN Peace Operations.”

As part of its ongoing partnership with the Elsie Initiative, IPI is launching two issue briefs that contribute to improving the United Nations’ approach to preventing sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) and sexual harassment (SH) in UN peace operations.

One of the issue briefs, “Connecting Sexual Exploitation and Abuse and Sexual Harassment in UN Peace Operations,” examines the divide between SEA and SH, arguing for a shift toward the more holistic concept of sexual exploitation, abuse, and harassment (SEAH). This step could allow the UN to better prevent both SEA and SH by addressing the gendered power imbalances that lie at their root. The second issue brief, “Training on Sexual Exploitation and Abuse for Uniformed Peacekeepers: Effectiveness and Limitations,” published in collaboration with the Gender and Security Sector Lab, explores the effectiveness of UN-mandated training on SEA. The paper highlights key findings from an analysis of cross-national survey data representing more than 4,000 military and police personnel, considers the effectiveness and limitations of current SEA trainings, and provides recommendations for enhancing the prevention of SEA.

Panelists discussed recommendations for improving the UN’s approach to combating and preventing SEAH, making peacekeeping safer for peacekeepers and the populations they serve.

Welcoming and Opening Remarks:
Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, President and Chief Executive Officer, International Peace Institute
Jacqueline O’Neill, former Women, Peace and Security Ambassador for Canada, Director, Global Affairs Canada
Phoebe Donnelly, Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace and Security, International Peace Institute

Speakers:
Christian Saunders, Under-Secretary-General and Special Coordinator on Improving the UN Response to Sexual Exploitation and Abuse
DeAnne Roark, Postdoctoral Scholar, Gender and Security Sector Lab
Olubuckola Awoyemi, Chief Conduct and Discipline Officer, MINURSO
Evyn Papworth, Policy Analyst, Women, Peace and Security, International Peace Institute
Aiko Holvikivi, Assistant Professor in Gender, Peace and Security, The London School of Economics and Political Science

Moderator:
Phoebe Donnelly, Senior Fellow and Head of Women, Peace and Security, International Peace Institute

The post Sexual Exploitation, Abuse, and Harassment (SEAH) in UN Peace Operations appeared first on International Peace Institute.

Hinweis: Gegenüber der ursprünglichen Version des Statements musste folgender Satz korrigiert werden (frühere Version in Klammern): "Zwar sind im aktuellen Haushaltsentwurf 37 (statt zuvor: 36) Milliarden Euro für dieses Jahr und über 55 Milliarden Euro für 2026 (statt zuvor: 2025) vorgesehen, doch die Erfahrung zeigt, dass das sehr ambitioniert ist." Wir bitten, den Fehler zu entschuldigen.

Das Statistische Bundesamt hat heute bekannt gegeben, dass das Bruttoinlandsprodukt in Deutschland im zweiten Quartal 2025 um 0,1 Prozent gegenüber dem ersten Quartal gesunken ist. Dazu eine Einschätzung von Geraldine Dany-Knedlik, Konjunkturchefin des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin):

Die deutsche Wirtschaft hat nach starkem Jahresauftakt leicht an Tempo verloren, der Aufschwung ist damit aber nicht abgeblasen. Jetzt ist Geduld gefragt. Produktion und Geschäftsklima im Verarbeitenden Gewerbe entwickeln sich positiv. Auch die Einigung im Zollstreit zwischen der EU und den USA sorgt für mehr Planungssicherheit, wenngleich – nach allem, was man bisher weiß – keine Entlastung bei den Zöllen zu erwarten ist. Im Gegenteil, die Belastungen werden wohl leicht steigen. Einen entscheidenden Beitrag zu einem stärkeren Aufschwung werden die geplanten Investitionen aus dem Sondervermögen für Infrastruktur und Klimaschutz leisten. Zwar sind im aktuellen Haushaltsentwurf 37 Milliarden Euro für dieses Jahr und über 55 Milliarden Euro für 2026 vorgesehen, doch die Erfahrung zeigt, dass das sehr ambitioniert ist. Es wäre schon eine Erfolgsgeschichte, wenn die Hälfte der geplanten Mittel abfließen würde. Die Umsetzung der Projekte braucht Zeit. Planung, Vergabe und Umsetzungsphase verzögern die Wirkung, sodass spürbare Impulse erst ab 2026 zu erwarten sind.

Das Konjunkturbarometer des Deutschen Instituts für Wirtschaftsforschung (DIW Berlin) sinkt im Juli leicht und liegt nun bei 92,3 Punkten – das ist knapp ein Punkt weniger als im Juni. Damals erreichte der Barometerwert ein Zwei-Jahres-Hoch. Nun entfernt er sich wieder etwas von der neutralen 100 ...

Geopolitische Spannungen und Handelskonflikte veranlassen Regierungen, ihre eigenen Währungen zu fördern – DIW-Studie zeigt am Beispiel des Handels zwischen China und Frankreich, wie Regierungen dabei vorgehen und Unternehmen reagieren – China konnte seine Währung zwar international stärker ...

La Croatie est plus que jamais décidée à stocker les déchets radioactifs de la centrale nucléaire de Krško à Čerkezovac, dans une zone naturelle protégée, qui connait aussi un fort risque sismique. En Bosnie-Herzégovine voisine, les scientifiques dénoncent un « racisme écologique ».

- Articles / Relations régionales, Courrier des Balkans, Environnement dans les Balkans, Croatie, Environnement

Deutschlands Infrastruktur steht am Scheideweg. Ein 500-Milliarden-Euro-Fonds könnte sich als nutzlos erweisen, falls nachhaltige kommunale Reformen ausbleiben., Das Sondervermögen von 500 Milliarden Euro für Investitionen könnte Deutschlands Zukunft entscheidend beeinflussen. Es wird jedoch scheitern, zusätzliche Investitionen anzustoßen, wenn nicht gleichzeitig grundlegende Reformen der Kommunen umgesetzt werden: Entschuldung der Kommunen, Reform der ...

England manager Sarina Wiegman is surprised by her favourite artist Burna Boy during celebrations for the Lionesses' Euro 2025 win.

Mapiole digitalise la recherche, l’achat, la vente et la construction de biens immobiliers. Une plateforme 100% camerounaise au service des usagers. Wesleg Nanse, fondateur de Mapiole est l’invité d’Afrique Avenir.

Ursula von der Leyen centralizálna, de nem sikerült maradéktalanul átvinnie az akaratát. A költségvetési javaslata pedig egyelőre elég népszerűtlen – ----> tovább olvasok!

The post EUInfó 9.: miért népszerűtlen von der Leyen költségvetése? appeared first on FRANCIA POLITIKA.

A delegation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (AFET), led by Chair David McAllister, travelled to Washington D.C. and Richmond, Virginia from 21 to 24 July 2025. This was the Committee's first official visit to the United States following last year's elections on both sides of the Atlantic.
During the trip, Members discussed how to deepen transatlantic ties, enhance collective security, reinforce the shared commitment to supporting Ukraine, and tackle common challenges such as China's expanding global influence and the situation in the Middle East. Insights gathered from the visit will inform the Committee's ongoing work on the own initiative report on EU-US political relations.
Location : USA
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Source : © European Union, 2025 - EP

Vous avez construit une cabane de jardin ou un hôtel de luxe sans permis ? L'un et l'autre vont être éligibles aux procédures de légalisation, aux mêmes conditions. Les ONG dénoncent un projet de loi qui s'apparente à une capitulation de l'État face au fléau des constructions illégales.

- Articles / Radio Slobodna Evropa, Monténégro, Environnement, Société, Economie, Littoral Monténégro

Watch Remarks 

Watch Full event on UN Web TV>>

IPI President Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein addressed the UN High-Level Conference on “The Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine and the Implementation of the Two-State Solution” on July 28th, urging the international community to focus on moving past diplomatic gestures and vague visions. He stressed that short of clear and collective action with specific policy commitments based on a recognised sovereign and contiguous Palestinian state, the two-state solution will remain an abstraction.

Read his remarks in full:

Thank you, Your Highness, Excellencies, distinguished delegates, friends.

I am grateful to be joining Presidents Mary Robinson and Juan Manuel Santos, as the third external speaker to this morning’s session; and would like to begin by thanking our Co-chairs France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia – not only for their leadership on this topic, but also for their insistence this conference centres on the specific actions needed to realise a two-state solution.

Our Co-Chairs are also right to think the greatest threat to the viability of a two-state solution is a staggering international community that lacks an understanding of either what a workable two-state solution actually entails, or of the path we must all take to get there, once the terrible atrocities in Gaza stop.  In other words, how can we transition from rubble to renewal without a compelling and credible vision for what renewal means?

Others may argue this differently, claiming the main obstacle to peace is not so much the violent extremists on both sides who demand the complete removal or destruction of the other – that is perhaps too obvious a point – rather it is the filing down in both societies of those who believe peace is possible. Such is the depth of fear, anger, and fatalism that now marks the prevailing mood.

After all, virtually all Palestinians, Arabs, Muslims, and many others accuse the Israeli leadership of committing acts of genocide in Gaza, this on top of a long and cruel military occupation of Palestine.  The Israeli government, the US Administration, and some European leaders see Israel as fighting a violent enemy which threatens it existentially, an enemy that murdered Israeli civilians cold-bloodedly almost two years ago, and took hostages.  Many people around the world see truth in both views.

Despite conceding the reality of the present moods and hatreds swirling within the two populations, what is fortunate about a vision of two states is that, like any other vision, it need not correspond exactly with the current psychology of Israelis and Palestinians.  A vision is not for today’s emotional audit, but for a tomorrow when new imperatives have inspired both populations, and not because the vision would be something utterly fanciful; quite the opposite, a two-state solution would have to be practical to gain support.

This is why one of the first lessons to draw on from decades of failed efforts to resolve this conflict is that wholesale vagueness about the endgame is not strategic— it is dangerous. It empowers rejectionists and weakens those who believe peace is still attainable.

Today, as we have heard many speakers say, leading figures in Israel’s far-right government are openly articulating a vision of permanent occupation, territorial annexation, and forced displacement. And they are acting accordingly, taking steps every day to implement their vision through concrete policies and actions on the ground.  The international community cannot counter this with carefully worded platitudes.  What is needed is a clear, collective affirmation of the two-state solution—not as an abstraction, but with specific policy commitments: a full end to the occupation, borders based on the 4 June 1967 lines, and a sovereign, contiguous Palestinian state.  Short of this, recognition of Palestine will remain symbolic and will do little to transform the lives of Palestinians on the ground and effect meaningful progress towards Palestinian self-determination.

Now this is not a fantasy.

Palestinians and Israelis, working together, have developed a vision for a two-state solution that can work, and they have devised elegant and symmetrical solutions to issues like settlements, refugees, and Jerusalem; core issues that have divided them in the past.

The first point this vision articulates is this: a viable peace must address the emotional and deep connection felt by both Israelis and Palestinians to all the land, from the river to the sea.  The vision also addresses the need for two distinct and sovereign states as a means of facilitating self-determination for two peoples and ensures a complete end of the military occupation. And it also overcomes past obstacles to the achievement of a two-state settlement, proposing a just solution for the Palestinian refugee population and a framework for Jerusalem while guaranteeing access to it.  And it achieves all of this in a way that ensures Israel can maintain a Jewish voting majority.

So how can this be done?

There would be two states, but one homeland.  The path to reach it entails, as a starting poin,t an acceptance of the Armistice Line as it was prior to 4 June 1967 as the border between the two states — with, at most, minor territorial adjustments, rather than more significant swaps or the sweeping annexation contemplated by other proposals. Israeli settlers who wish to remain in their homes would have the option of becoming permanent residents of the State of Palestine.  They would pay their taxes, abide by local law, and enjoy full protection of their rights, as is the case with permanent residents in almost all countries.  All Palestinian refugees will, in turn, have the right to become citizens of Palestine, but they would also have the option of becoming permanent residents of Israel, creating a path for return.  Israeli Arabs would remain Israeli citizens and would be guaranteed full equality.  Over time, there will be freedom of movement for all throughout and across both states.  Jerusalem would be given special status.  There will be some confederal institutions, including a human rights court as an appellate body.

A mechanism will need to be devised to bind the two states together—possibly through a cleverly designed, regionally anchored security arrangement—to prevent unilateral abrogation. As a first urgent transitional step, a reconstruction and rehabilitation mission should be established with an international mandate and based on a regional partnership. To succeed, this mission must prioritise restoring political and economic links between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, which Israel and the PLO have recognized as constituting a single territorial unit.

Finally, Israel’s approach of achieving security through domination and fragmentation of Palestinian life— by imposing a stranglehold on Palestinian territory, institutions, and leadership, and by the undermining of UNRWA over the years — has hitherto produced only a notion of security for Israel. It has deepened Palestinian dispossession, inflicted great harm and degraded the Palestinian civilian population and threatened regional stability. Years of these measures, and the expensive fortified fences and sensor arrays surrounding Gaza, did not prevent the atrocious attacks of October 7.  The lesson for Israel is not to double down on fortification, separation, and militarisation — after all, there will always be new ways to inflict harm on Israeli citizens in the absence of a just peace.  What has worked has been mutuality —a sense of equality in status and obligation–and cooperation. This is why Israel’s peace treaties with Egypt and Jordan have been so durable. They were born not out of dominance, but respect for sovereign equality and territorial inviolability.

It is on these foundations that this vision of meaningful and durable renewal, this vision of Two-States One Homeland, was conceived — not in abstraction, but grounded in law, shaped by pragmatism, and sustained by a shared attachment to the land that both Israelis and Palestinians call home.

I thank you for your attention.

The post Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein: The Two-State Solution Needs A Credible Path Forward appeared first on International Peace Institute.