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Danish chef René Redzepi, co-founder and head chef of Noma in Copenhagen, often ranked as the world's best restaurant, has announced his resignation. The move comes after reports in the New York Times about his violent and demeaning behaviour towards employees over many years. Danish media shine a light on the dark corners of the culinary world.

Des voix s’élèvent pour que les prochaines élections danoises marquent un tournant majeur pour des millions de porcs

The post Danemark : la guerre, Trump et… les cochons secouent les élections appeared first on Euractiv FR.

In the Al-Azraq camp in northern Syria, 10-year-old Abeer Al-Qaddour sits, browsing a colourful book with intense focus and curiosity. Nearby stands a bus, elegantly inscribed with the words ‘The Cultural Bus’. Around the vehicle, dozens of children have gathered with visible joy, engaging in collective drawing activities for the very first time. Not far […]

Meloni affirme que la réforme s'attaque aux « dégénérescences idéologiques » du pouvoir judiciaire italien

The post Meloni mise gros sur une réforme judiciaire risquée appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Le transport urbain en Algérie s’apprête à connaître un renforcement notable dans les prochains jours. Devant les députés, le ministre de l’Intérieur, des Collectivités locales […]

L’article De 24 à 100 passagers : distribution imminente des nouveaux bus importés dans ces wilayas est apparu en premier sur .

Un ambassadeur influent de l’UE expose son plan pour renforcer l’influence du bloc à l’ONU

The post EXCLUSIF : Selmayr plaide pour une UE unie dans la course aux postes à l’ONU appeared first on Euractiv FR.

Wegen der steigenden Öl-Preise lockern die USA vorübergehend die Sanktionen gegen Russland. Claudia Kemfert, Leiterin der Abteilung Energie, Verkehr, Umwelt im DIW Berlin, kommentiert dies wie folgt: 

Die temporäre Lockerung der Ölsanktionen gegen Russland ist energie- und geopolitisch ein falsches Signal. Sanktionen sollen den finanziellen Spielraum für Kriegsführung begrenzen. Wenn sie kurzfristig aufgeweicht werden, stärkt das genau jene fossilen Machtstrukturen, die Konflikte überhaupt erst ermöglichen. Die temporäre Lockerung der Ölsanktionen gegen Russland ist ein klassischer energiepolitischer Kurzschluss: Ein kurzfristiges Markt- oder Preisproblem wird ausgerechnet mit der Energiequelle beantwortet, die das Problem strukturell verursacht hat.

Wir sehen hier erneut das Muster der Fossilokratie: Kurzfristige Interessen am fossilen Energiesystem werden über langfristige sicherheits-, klima- und energiepolitische Ziele gestellt. Das stabilisiert Abhängigkeiten statt sie zu überwinden. Gerade jetzt wäre das Gegenteil notwendig: eine konsequente Reduktion fossiler Abhängigkeiten durch den beschleunigten Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien, Effizienz, Elektrifizierung und resilientere Energiesysteme. Wer Sanktionen gegen fossile Kriegsfinanzierung lockert, begeht einen energiepolitischen Kurzschluss – und verlängert damit die fossile Abhängigkeit und ihre geopolitischen Konflikte.

The policy brief by Ioannis Alexandris (Research Fellow, Wider Europe Programme – ELIAMEP & Researcher, think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration) and Dimitra Koutouzi (Defence Policy Analyst), “From Nuuk to Reykjavik: The High North’s geopolitical scramble and the consequences for the EU and its enlargement policy”, was prepared in the framework ELIAMEP’s initiative think nea – New Narratives of EU Integration, supported by the Open Society Foundations – Western Balkans.

This policy brief explores how the rapidly evolving geopolitical dynamics in the Arctic are intersecting with the European Union’s enlargement policy. Heightened strategic competition in the High North—combined with uncertainty surrounding the transatlantic security architecture—has reopened debates in Iceland about reviving its EU accession process. Against this backdrop, the brief examines how a potential Iceland track could reshape the EU’s broader enlargement agenda.

While Iceland represents a relatively “low-friction” candidate due to its deep regulatory alignment with the EU, its potential return to accession negotiations raises important questions about the coherence and credibility of the Union’s enlargement strategy. Progress with an advanced Nordic partner could generate political momentum for enlargement but may also risk overshadowing more politically complex accession processes in the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe. Countries that have waited over a decade in the accession queue may perceive accelerated progress for Iceland as evidence of a differentiated enlargement logic driven by geopolitical urgency rather than merit-based conditionality.

The brief therefore situates Iceland within the EU’s evolving enlargement landscape, highlighting how geopolitical considerations—including Arctic security, strategic autonomy, and shifting transatlantic relations—are increasingly shaping accession debates. Ultimately, it argues that the Union must balance strategic opportunities in the North Atlantic with the need to maintain credibility and fairness toward existing candidates, particularly in the Western Balkans. 

You can read the policy brief here.

One of the main arguments for implementing public works programmes (PWPs) instead of other social protection schemes such as cash transfers is that the assets created through these programmes themselves can generate medium- to long-term benefits. This is particularly important as the costs for supervision and the construction materials can account for up to 70 per cent of programme budgets. Despite this, there is scarce empirical evidence on PWPs’ effects through the “asset channel”: indeed; most studies have focused solely on the traditional “wage channel”. To bridge this gap, this paper examines whether and how assets created under Malawi’s Climate-Smart Enhanced Public Works Programme (CS-EPWP) – a programme recently implemented by the government of Malawi and funded by the World Bank – strengthen the resilience of households to climate shocks such as droughts and floods. The paper relies on case study analysis using primary qualitative data based on focus group discussions and key informant interviews with different stakeholders at the national, district and community levels. Interviews were conducted during fieldwork in September 2024 in two southern districts of Malawi highly affected by climate change. The analysis is complemented by site visits and quantitative survey data on asset quality. By combining these methods, we find that the CS-EPWP generates durable, community-maintained assets, which in turn enhance households’ capacity to cope with and adapt to climate shocks. In particular, land-based assets provide multiple benefits for both households and communities, while forest-based interventions are expected to generate similar long-term gains, though further research is needed to confirm their (long-term) impacts. To maximise the impact of climate-smart public works programmes, policymakers and donors should align asset creation with climate objectives and adopt participatory approaches to ensure their relevance, maintenance and long-term sustainability.

Sophia Schubert is an independent researcher.
Dr Donald Makoka is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Agricultural Research and Development (CARD) of the Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural Resources (LUANAR) in Malawi.

One of the main arguments for implementing public works programmes (PWPs) instead of other social protection schemes such as cash transfers is that the assets created through these programmes themselves can generate medium- to long-term benefits. This is particularly important as the costs for supervision and the construction materials can account for up to 70 per cent of programme budgets. Despite this, there is scarce empirical evidence on PWPs’ effects through the “asset channel”: indeed; most studies have focused solely on the traditional “wage channel”. To bridge this gap, this paper examines whether and how assets created under Malawi’s Climate-Smart Enhanced Public Works Programme (CS-EPWP) – a programme recently implemented by the government of Malawi and funded by the World Bank – strengthen the resilience of households to climate shocks such as droughts and floods. The paper relies on case study analysis using primary qualitative data based on focus group discussions and key informant interviews with different stakeholders at the national, district and community levels. Interviews were conducted during fieldwork in September 2024 in two southern districts of Malawi highly affected by climate change. The analysis is complemented by site visits and quantitative survey data on asset quality. By combining these methods, we find that the CS-EPWP generates durable, community-maintained assets, which in turn enhance households’ capacity to cope with and adapt to climate shocks. In particular, land-based assets provide multiple benefits for both households and communities, while forest-based interventions are expected to generate similar long-term gains, though further research is needed to confirm their (long-term) impacts. To maximise the impact of climate-smart public works programmes, policymakers and donors should align asset creation with climate objectives and adopt participatory approaches to ensure their relevance, maintenance and long-term sustainability.

Sophia Schubert is an independent researcher.
Dr Donald Makoka is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Agricultural Research and Development (CARD) of the Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural Resources (LUANAR) in Malawi.

One of the main arguments for implementing public works programmes (PWPs) instead of other social protection schemes such as cash transfers is that the assets created through these programmes themselves can generate medium- to long-term benefits. This is particularly important as the costs for supervision and the construction materials can account for up to 70 per cent of programme budgets. Despite this, there is scarce empirical evidence on PWPs’ effects through the “asset channel”: indeed; most studies have focused solely on the traditional “wage channel”. To bridge this gap, this paper examines whether and how assets created under Malawi’s Climate-Smart Enhanced Public Works Programme (CS-EPWP) – a programme recently implemented by the government of Malawi and funded by the World Bank – strengthen the resilience of households to climate shocks such as droughts and floods. The paper relies on case study analysis using primary qualitative data based on focus group discussions and key informant interviews with different stakeholders at the national, district and community levels. Interviews were conducted during fieldwork in September 2024 in two southern districts of Malawi highly affected by climate change. The analysis is complemented by site visits and quantitative survey data on asset quality. By combining these methods, we find that the CS-EPWP generates durable, community-maintained assets, which in turn enhance households’ capacity to cope with and adapt to climate shocks. In particular, land-based assets provide multiple benefits for both households and communities, while forest-based interventions are expected to generate similar long-term gains, though further research is needed to confirm their (long-term) impacts. To maximise the impact of climate-smart public works programmes, policymakers and donors should align asset creation with climate objectives and adopt participatory approaches to ensure their relevance, maintenance and long-term sustainability.

Sophia Schubert is an independent researcher.
Dr Donald Makoka is a Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Agricultural Research and Development (CARD) of the Lilongwe University of Agriculture and Natural Resources (LUANAR) in Malawi.

Le président Poutine se présente comme un médiateur potentiel, mais cela semble peu convaincant, selon l'analyse de Steve Rosenberg. Malgré cela, Moscou tire d'autres avantages du conflit.

Unsplash Fort of Goree Island, Senegal, was the site of one of the earliest European settlements in Western Africa. Source UN News
The calls for reparatory justice can no longer be ignored, speakers at the fourth session of the United Nations Permanent Forum on African Descent said last April.
They urged greater collaboration between governments, civil society and regional organizations to create a system that would compensate Africa and the African diaspora for the enduring legacies of colonialism, enslavement, apartheid and genocide between the 16th and 19th centuries. “Africa was under siege,” said Hilary Brown, speaking on behalf of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) about the 300 years of enslavement and exploitation on the continent. “Her political, economic and social systems thrown into chaotic instability as Europe plundered the continent for her most valuable asset, her people.”

By Kester Kenn Klomegah
MOSCOW, Mar 13 2026 (IPS)

Professor Jude Osakwe—a Nigerian scholar at the Namibian University of Science and Technology (NUST) and Continental Chairman of the Nigerians in Diaspora Organisation Africa (NIDOAF)—has reiterated the absolute truth over Reparations for Africa, noting that African governments have consistently expressed only ’emotional solidarity’ over Reparations instead of tackling and addressing, with seriousness, this pertinent issue within the context of diplomacy.

He strongly believes that despite sharp political and cultural diversity influencing developments, African leaders can still adopt a collective strategy in pursuit of advantageous aspirations for sustaining continental sovereignty. The concept of Pan-Africanism is noticeably fragmented while grassroot movements lack strategic coordination.

Here are excerpts from the interview:

How well do African people represent the continent on Reparations and Pan-Africanism?

Professor Jude Osakwe: Honestly, inadequately, but not without effort. Representation is fragmented. The loudest voices on reparations often come from the Caribbean and African-American communities, while continental Africans, remain largely sidelined in that global conversation.

Pan-Africanism as an ideology is more spoken about than practiced. There is emotional solidarity, but very little structural unity. The honest reality is that African governments have not made reparations a serious diplomatic priority, and grassroots movements lack the coordination to pressure them to do so.

Does the diaspora media landscape affect how these topics are viewed in a Western light?

Professor Osakwe: Absolutely.

Western media frames Pan-Africanism as either nostalgic romanticism or a political threat, and frames reparations as a Black American issue, effectively erasing the continental African dimension entirely. As an African in the diaspora, you are constantly navigating between your own lived framework and a media environment that either misrepresents or ignores your perspective.

This creates a psychological burden, you must actively resist the dominant narrative just to maintain an accurate self-understanding. African diaspora media exists, but it remains underfunded and underreached compared to mainstream outlets, which means the Western framing dominates public discourse by default.

What are the measures for upholding African identity in the diaspora, and diaspora contributions amid geopolitical shifts?

Professor Osakwe: Key measures:

• Intentional cultural transmission, language, history, and values must be actively taught, not assumed
• Building diaspora institutions that are African-led, not just African-themed
• Political engagement both in host countries and in countries of origin
• Economic networking through platforms like NIDO that connect diaspora professionals to continental development

On geopolitical contributions: The current moment, with Africa renegotiating relationships with Western powers, China, Russia, and Gulf states, is actually an opportunity for the diaspora. Diaspora Africans sitting inside Western governments, universities, and financial institutions carry real leverage.

The question is whether that leverage gets used collectively or dissipates individually. Remittances already outpace foreign aid to many African countries. What’s needed now is moving beyond remittances to strategic investment, policy advocacy, and knowledge transfer, turning the diaspora from a financial lifeline into a genuine development partner.

Kester Kenn Klomegah focuses on current geopolitical changes, foreign relations and economic development-related questions in Africa with external countries. Most of his well-resourced articles are reprinted in several reputable foreign media.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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