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L’euro reprend de la hauteur face au dinar algérien. Après un léger repli en milieu de semaine, la monnaie européenne repart à la hausse sur […]

L’article Taux de change : l’euro grimpe encore face au dinar, voici les nouveaux cours est apparu en premier sur .

Les représentants se sont réunis en Suisse afin de définir les prochaines étapes visant à résoudre le conflit.

Longtemps médiatrice incontournable de la crise malienne, l'Algérie a vu son influence régionale sérieusement ébranlée après la rupture de l'Accord de paix par Bamako. Deux ans plus tard, Alger resserre ses liens avec le Niger et lui offre quatre hélicoptères militaires. Une opération qui illustre sa volonté de reprendre pied dans un Sahel profondément recomposé.

Le symbole est puissant. Le 9 août 2026, deux hélicoptères d'attaque Mi-24V et deux Mi-171 de transport quittent la base militaire d'In Guezzam, dans l'extrême sud algérien, à destination de Niamey. Il ne s'agit pas d'une vente : Alger offre les quatre appareils à l'armée nigérienne. Le ministère algérien de la Défense précise que la livraison comprend également des munitions, des pièces de rechange ainsi que du matériel de maintenance et de soutien logistique. L'opération, décidée sur instruction du président Abdelmadjid Tebboune, est présentée par Alger comme un renforcement de la coopération stratégique, militaire et sécuritaire avec le Niger. Le lendemain, les quatre appareils sont officiellement réceptionnés à Niamey par le chef d'état-major de l'armée de l'air nigérienne, le général Salifou Maïnassara.

Quand Alger était au centre du jeu malien

Pour mesurer la portée de cette livraison, il faut revenir une dizaine d'années en arrière.En 2014, alors que le Mali tente toujours de sortir de la crise ouverte par la rébellion de 2012, Alger accueille les négociations entre Bamako et plusieurs mouvements armés du Nord. L'Algérie n'est pas un simple pays hôte. Elle prend la tête de la médiation internationale. L'Accord pour la paix et la réconciliation au Mali issu du processus d'Alger, approuvé à Alger le 1er mars 2015, la désigne explicitement comme « chef de file de la Médiation », aux côtés notamment de la CEDEAO, de l'Union africaine, des Nations unies et de l'Union européenne. Après une première signature à Bamako le 15 mai, l'ensemble des parties adhère finalement à l'accord le 20 juin 2015. Pendant plusieurs années, Alger conserve ainsi une position privilégiée : elle dialogue avec Bamako, entretient des canaux avec les acteurs du Nord et se trouve au centre du mécanisme international chargé du suivi du processus de paix. Encore en 2022, le Comité de suivi de l'accord est présidé par le chef de la diplomatie algérienne, Ramtane Lamamra, au titre du rôle de chef de file de la médiation internationale. L'Accord d'Alger est alors bien plus qu'un texte diplomatique : il constitue l'un des principaux instruments d'influence régionale de l'Algérie.

La rupture avec Bamako

Cet édifice finit pourtant par s'effondrer.Fin 2023, les relations entre Alger et Bamako se tendent fortement. La réception en Algérie de l'imam Mahmoud Dicko, figure religieuse influente devenue critique du pouvoir militaire malien, provoque la colère des autorités de transition. Bamako reproche parallèlement à Alger d'entretenir des contacts avec certains responsables des mouvements armés du Nord. Les deux pays rappellent leurs ambassadeurs.Le 25 janvier 2024, le gouvernement malien franchit un cap en annonçant la fin, « avec effet immédiat », de l'Accord issu du processus d'Alger. Pour l'Algérie, la rupture dépasse l'échec d'un texte de paix. Elle signifie la disparition de l'un de ses principaux leviers politiques au Mali.Dans le même temps, un autre acteur occupe de plus en plus le terrain sécuritaire : la Russie. Après la rupture avec Paris, le retrait de Barkhane puis le départ de la Minusma, Bamako approfondit son partenariat militaire avec Moscou. Wagner, puis l'Africa Corps, deviennent des acteurs importants de la stratégie sécuritaire malienne.Le centre de gravité se déplace. Et Alger n'en est plus le pivot.

Le Niger, nouveau levier d'influence

C'est dans ce contexte que le rapprochement entre Alger et Niamey prend tout son sens. Le Niger est un voisin stratégique pour l'Algérie. Les deux pays partagent près d'un millier de kilomètres de frontière, dans une région traversée par les trafics, les mouvements de groupes armés et les routes migratoires.Leurs relations avaient elles aussi connu des tensions après le coup d'État nigérien de juillet 2023. Depuis, Alger et Niamey ont entrepris de reconstruire leur relation, sur les plans diplomatique, économique et sécuritaire.La livraison des quatre hélicoptères marque toutefois un changement d'échelle.L'Algérie ne se contente plus de proposer ses bons offices ou de défendre une approche diplomatique des crises sahéliennes : elle fournit directement des capacités opérationnelles à une armée de la région.Son ministère de la Défense présente d'ailleurs cette opération comme une contribution à la « sécurité et à la stabilité » régionales. Un vocabulaire qui rappelle le rôle que l'Algérie revendiquait autrefois par la médiation politique, mais auquel s'ajoute désormais un outil militaire.

De la médiation aux hélicoptères

C'est probablement là que réside l'évolution la plus significative.Dans les années 2010, l'influence algérienne au Sahel reposait avant tout sur la diplomatie : négociations, médiations et gestion des équilibres entre Bamako et les mouvements du Nord.En 2026, la livraison au Niger révèle un instrument supplémentaire : la coopération militaire directe.Les Mi-24V peuvent renforcer les capacités d'appui-feu de l'armée nigérienne. Les Mi-171, eux, peuvent assurer le transport de troupes, le ravitaillement ou les évacuations dans des zones où les distances constituent un défi opérationnel majeur.Surtout, Alger ne livre pas uniquement quatre aéronefs. Munitions, pièces détachées et équipements de maintenance accompagnent les appareils.Le détail est loin d'être secondaire : dans les armées sahéliennes, la disponibilité réelle d'une flotte dépend autant des capacités de maintenance et de l'accès aux pièces que du nombre d'appareils officiellement en service.

Le paradoxe russe

La livraison algérienne comporte néanmoins un paradoxe.Les Mi-24 et Mi-171 appartiennent eux-mêmes à des familles d'appareils conçues en Union soviétique puis produites et modernisées dans l'écosystème russe.Alger ne propose donc pas au Niger une rupture technologique avec Moscou. Elle lui offre en revanche un autre canal pour accéder à ces capacités.L'Algérie exploite depuis des décennies du matériel d'origine soviétique et russe et dispose de compétences propres en matière d'utilisation et de maintenance de ces équipements.Pour Niamey, recevoir ces appareils d'Alger permet donc de renforcer rapidement sa flotte sans passer exclusivement par une nouvelle acquisition directe auprès de la Russie.Pour l'Algérie, les mêmes hélicoptères deviennent un instrument d'influence.

Une doctrine du voisinage

Cette stratégie s'inscrit dans une approche beaucoup plus ancienne de la politique étrangère algérienne.Alger considère le Sahel comme une profondeur stratégique directement liée à sa propre sécurité nationale. L'instabilité au Mali ou au Niger a des conséquences immédiates sur les immenses régions méridionales du pays.Pendant longtemps, l'Algérie a également cherché à éviter qu'une puissance extérieure ne devienne l'acteur dominant de son environnement sahélien.Or cet espace est aujourd'hui beaucoup plus concurrentiel.La Russie y a considérablement renforcé sa présence. La Turquie développe ses positions militaires et économiques. La Chine et les pays du Golfe y accroissent également leur influence, tandis que la présence occidentale s'est fortement contractée.L'Algérie doit donc désormais défendre sa place dans un Sahel où elle n'est plus seule à vouloir peser.La livraison des Mi-24 au Niger peut ainsi être lue comme un message adressé à Niamey, mais aussi à l'ensemble de la région : Alger conserve les moyens diplomatiques, militaires et logistiques de participer aux nouveaux équilibres sahéliens.

Une reconquête encore fragile

Il serait toutefois prématuré de parler de basculement géopolitique.Le Mali demeure étroitement lié à Moscou. Le Niger entretient lui aussi des relations avec la Russie. Et les trois pays de l'Alliance des États du Sahel ont construit, depuis leur rupture avec la CEDEAO, leur propre architecture politique et sécuritaire.L'Algérie ne remplace donc ni la Russie ni l'AES.Elle cherche plutôt à redevenir incontournable.En 2015, son influence reposait largement sur sa capacité à réunir autour d'une table Bamako, les mouvements du Nord et la communauté internationale.En 2026, quatre hélicoptères posés sur le tarmac de Niamey racontent une autre méthode.Des Accords d'Alger aux Mi-24, les instruments ont changé. L'ambition demeure : rester une puissance régionale avec laquelle le Sahel doit compter.

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Nikki accueille du 21 au 30 Août 2026, la 3ᵉ édition de la Foire Régionale de l'Artisanat du Bénin, Zone Nord. La cérémonie de lancement a été faite par la Ministre des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises et de la promotion de l'Emploi, en charge de la Formation professionnelle, Awaou Baco.

75 exposants prennent part à Nikki à la 3e édition de la Foire Régionale de l'Artisanat du Bénin, Zone Nord. L'évènement est organisé par le Ministère des Petites et Moyennes Entreprises et de la promotion de l'Emploi, à travers le Fonds de Développement de l'Artisanat (FDA), en collaboration avec la CMA-Benin. L'objectif est de favoriser la promotion et la commercialisation des produits artisanaux.

« Depuis trois ans maintenant, beaucoup de talents ont été dénichés grâce à la tenue des Foires régionales. Ensemble, nous allons poursuivre dans cette dynamique », a déclaré Lucie Katagnan, représentant le Président de la CMA-BENIN. Pour la ministre Awaou Baco, « cette Foire est une belle occasion de mettre en lumière le talent, le savoir-faire et le génie créateur de nos artisanes et artisans ». « Saisissez cette opportunité. Montrez ce que vous savez faire. Osez innover et osez allez plus loin », a-t-elle ajouté.

Cette 3e édition qui intervient dans le cadre de la célébration de la Gaani permettra aux nombreux visiteurs de découvrir et d'apprécier les produits des artisans.

Sacha Feinberg-Mngomezulu pays for an indifferent showing in South Africa's series opener against New Zealand, as the fly-half drops to the Springbok bench.

Un accord majeur scelle le coup d’envoi de l’extension de l’usine AOA à Arzew. Ce dimanche à Alger, les dirigeants algériens et omanais ont validé […]

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Nouveau rebondissement dans l’affaire de fraude présumée aux visas espagnols à Alger. Après l’arrestation en Espagne de Vicente Moreno, ex-chancelier du consulat, et de l’employé […]

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By Kizito Makoye
DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, Aug 24 2026 (IPS)

For pastoralists in Arvaikheer — a village in Mongolia’s dry central plains — rain can determine whether there is enough grass for cattle to roam, whether waterholes are replenished and whether families make it through another dry season. But as climate change makes rainfall increasingly unpredictable, even a wet season may no longer provide water and pasture needed to sustain people and livestock.

The challenges being experienced across Mongolia’s drylands are at the centre of discussions at the 17th session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, where governments are devising measures to tackle menacing drought, desertification and land degradation.

It is against this backdrop that the Global Environment Facility (GEF) has announced plans for a new $140 million initiative aimed at helping countries prepare for drought, strengthen resilience in drylands and reduce the growing risks to ecosystems, food security, water availability, livelihoods and health.

The Drylands and Drought Management Integrated Program will be implemented during the GEF-9 investment cycle from 2026 to 2030. It responds to requests from parties to the UNCCD for the GEF to give greater priority to financing programs related to drought resilience.

The program will focus on helping countries and communities better prepare for, monitor, assess, mitigate and respond to the cascading impacts of drought.

“Investing in healthy land and healthy people means investing in food security, climate resilience, biodiversity, water, jobs, and peace,” said the GEF Interim CEO and Chairperson, Claude Gascon, in a statement. “Through this new integrated program, we will support countries in moving from crisis response toward proactive drought resilience.”

The announcement comes as negotiators at COP17 are discussing an array of measures to tackle drought and land degradation, including financing, private-sector engagement, capacity-building and support for rangelands and pastoralists.

Participants in traditional dress take part in a cultural presentation during the 17th session of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Credit: Anastasia Rodopoulou/ENB-IISD

Rangelands Under Pressure

Rangelands have emerged as a major focus of the Ulaanbaatar talks.

Delegates have been discussing policies and investments for their sustainable management while recognising the importance of rangelands and pastoralist communities in addressing food insecurity, desertification, land degradation, drought, biodiversity loss and climate change.

For pastoralists, the effects of changing rainfall patterns are already devastating.

After rain, parched rangelands can quickly turn green, water sources refill and livestock gain access to fresh pasture. But the COP17 discussions have highlighted how climate change is altering these life-sustaining rains, making them more erratic and intense and reducing their effectiveness through increased runoff.

Land degradation can increase risks to human health, contribute to forced migration and intensify conflicts over scarce resources. It is also closely linked to climate change, biodiversity loss, poverty and food insecurity.

The GEF’s new program, therefore, comes at a time when drought is increasingly treated as a development and livelihood challenge rather than solely as an environmental emergency.

Aftermath of a rain storm at the 17th session of the UN Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD COP17) in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia. Credit: Anastasia Rodopoulou/ENB-IISD

Financing Remains a Challenge

But international commitments to increase investment in drylands will face a litmus test to ensure that money reaches communities managing these landscapes.

During an open dialogue at COP17, civil society participants highlighted barriers to accessing funds as one of the challenges facing pastoralist communities, alongside pressures such as mining.

Participants called for better connections between financing and market mechanisms and the diverse local economies of pastoralists. They also urged governments and institutions to integrate targets for land degradation neutrality with pastoralist-designed and community-led initiatives.

That emphasis on local participation is significant for the GEF, which says that under GEF-9, 20 percent of resources across its family of funds are expected to directly benefit Indigenous Peoples and local communities.

Delegates at COP17 have also welcomed the Rangelands Flagship Initiative, a multi-partner global initiative led by Mongolia and the UNCCD. The initiative is built around three areas: knowledge, investment and institutions.

The GEF is supporting its development and coordination through the UNCCD COP17 Legacy Project, a $3.3 million GEF investment implemented by the International Union for Conservation of Nature. The project is leveraging an additional $8 million in co-financing from Mongolia and IUCN, according to the GEF.

The co-chair consults with the secretary during the Ulaanbaatar International Conference on Combating Desertification as delegates discuss strategies to strengthen global efforts to address land degradation, drought and desertification. Credit: Anastasia Dodopoulou/ENB-IISD

A Wider Investment Push

The new drought program is part of a broader expansion of environmental financing under GEF-9.

The investment cycle begins with an initial programming level of $3.9 billion and is designed to expand investments in nature-positive development, drought resilience and sustainable land management.

Four GEF-9 integrated programs are strongly aligned with UNCCD objectives and are expected to receive more than $800 million in GEF grant funding. They cover food systems, critical forest biomes, blue and green islands and drylands and drought management.

Drought resilience is also being given a more prominent place in the way GEF resources are allocated and measured.

The GEF-9 cycle includes a dedicated objective for implementing national drought plans, a drought vulnerability index in the formula used to calculate resource allocation to countries and new indicators to track improvements in drought resilience.

The approach reflects a growing recognition that drought can insidiously weaken ecosystems, livelihoods and food systems long before it becomes a full-blown crisis, leaving communities more exposed to the next shock.

From Crisis Response to Prevention

The GEF also plans to work with the Riyadh Global Drought Resilience Partnership, the Drought Resilience Investment Facility and other initiatives supporting resilience across drylands and rangelands.

During GEF-8, covering 2022 to 2026, the facility approved 50 projects across its family of funds supporting sustainable rangeland management and restoration and pastoralist livelihoods, with a total investment of more than $300 million.

The projects are at different stages of development and, according to the GEF, can complement the Rangelands Flagship Initiative and help take successful approaches to rangeland management and restoration to scale.

The new initiative also places a stronger emphasis on mobilising private capital.

Ten percent of total GEF-9 funding is allocated to a blended finance window, while the overall target is to use 25 percent of GEF resources to help mobilise private sector investment.

For countries vulnerable to drought, the challenge will be converting those financial commitments into practical investments that strengthen water security, restore degraded land and protect the livelihoods of communities dependent on drylands.

At COP17, where discussions on drought, rangelands, financing and pastoralist livelihoods are unfolding simultaneously, the GEF initiative offers a potentially significant new source of funding.

But the experience of pastoralist communities points to a broader question: whether global commitments and financing mechanisms can reach the people managing the land on the ground — and whether investments can arrive early enough to prevent drought from becoming a crisis.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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Leistung muss sich lohnen: Superreiche müssen mehr Steuern zahlen. Und das hat nichts mit einer Neiddebatte zu tun, sondern mit ökonomischer Vernunft und Gerechtigkeit., Die Ungleichheit der Vermögen steigt weltweit. Und zwar nicht nur zwischen Privatpersonen, sondern auch zwischen Privatpersonen und dem Staat. Immer mehr Staaten machen immer mehr Schulden. Das liegt nicht nur an ineffizienten Staatshaushalten, sondern weil in vielen Ländern die Steuereinnahmen ...

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Les États-Unis et la Chine se sont à nouveau affrontés au sujet du canal de Panama, cette voie navigable stratégique qui représente environ 5 % du commerce maritime mondial, mais près de 40 % du trafic de conteneurs américain.

Des perturbations dans la fourniture de l'eau potable sont annoncées dans plusieurs quartiers de l'arrondissement de Godomey. C'est à travers un communiqué de la Soneb rendu public ce lundi 24 août 2026.

La Société nationale des eaux du Bénin (SONEB) informe ses abonnés de perturbations sensibles dans la fourniture d'eau potable dans plusieurs quartiers de Godomey. La situation fait suite à une importante casse sur une conduite DN 355, causée par l'entreprise XINXING, chargée de l'asphaltage des rues à Godomey. Les perturbations peuvent se traduire par une baisse de pression, voire une absence d'eau aux robinets des abonnés.

Les quartiers de Godomey, Dékounbè, Hèdomey, Togbin, Lobozounkpa, Cocotomey et Cococodji, ainsi que leurs environs, sont concernés. Selon la Direction départementale Atlantique-Littoral de la SONEB, les équipes techniques sont déjà mobilisées pour procéder à la réparation de la conduite endommagée et rétablir la fourniture d'eau potable dans les meilleurs délais.

À l'occasion du 66e anniversaire de l'indépendance du Bénin, 66 personnalités béninoises ont été mises à travers la campagne « Hisse ton Drapeau ». La plateforme officielle de l'initiative présente ces figures comme des symboles de réussite et de fierté nationale.

Artistes, sportifs, entrepreneurs, chercheurs, universitaires, acteurs culturels ou encore figures publiques incarnent la réussite et la fierté du Bénin. Ils ont été identifiés lors de la campagne nationale "Hissse ton Drapeau" tenue du 12 juillet au 3 août 2026. Selon la plateforme officielle de l'initiative, la campagne a été organisée par le ministère du Tourisme et la SoLE SA.

Les citoyens ont été invités à afficher les couleurs nationales sur leurs maisons, véhicules ou lieux de travail et à participer à des défis sur les réseaux sociaux. Les 66 personnalités retenues reflètent la diversité des domaines dans lesquels des Béninois se distinguent au niveau national et international.

Parmi elles figurent notamment la chanteuse Angélique Kidjo, l'acteur Djimon Hounsou, l'artiste plasticien Romuald Hazoumè, l'ancien footballeur Stéphane Sessègnon, le musicien Wally Badarou, l'économiste et universitaire Leonard Wantchekon, la cheffe Georgiana Viou, le basketteur Ian Mahinmi ainsi que l'entrepreneur Bertin Nahum.

La sélection comprend également plusieurs figures de la scène musicale béninoise, dont Vano Baby, Blaaz, Sagbohan Danialou, Richard Flash, Fanicko, Pépé Oleka, Zeynab Habib, Nel Oliver.
La liste fait aussi une place aux chercheurs, entrepreneurs et acteurs de l'innovation.

Des personnalités issues de différents secteurs complètent cette sélection, notamment Marie-Élise Gbèdo, Paulin J. Hountondji, Eugène Zoumenou, Sandra Idossou, Huguette Gnacadja Bokpè, Maryse Lokossou et Mohamed Salifou.

À travers les « 66 Visages », l'initiative met en avant des parcours considérés comme représentatifs de la réussite béninoise et invite à célébrer celles et ceux qui contribuent, chacun dans son domaine, au rayonnement du pays.

Voici les 66 personnalités retenues

Angélique Kidjo
Djimon Hounsou
Romuald Hazoumè
Stéphane Sessègnon
Wally Badarou
Leonard Wantchekon
Georgiana Viou
Ian Mahinmi
Bertin Nahum
Steve Mounié
Vano Baby
Blaaz
Sagbohan Danialou
Marie-Cécile Zinsou
Richard Flash
Ignace Don Metok
Vincent Ahéhéhinou
Madara
OPA
Lionel Talon
Charly d'Almeida
Dominique Zinkpè
Tchif
Gilles Louèkè
Florent Couao-Zotti
Samuel Dossou Aworet
Gilles Kounou
Odile Ahouanwanou
Noélie Yarigo
Coffi Codjia
Pipi Wobaho
Edgar Yves Jr.
Marie-Élise Gbèdo
Conceptia Ouinsou
Sidikou Karimou
Fanicko
Pépé Oleka
Nel Oliver
Zeynab Habib
Karelle Vignon Vullierme
Fabroni Bill Yoclounon
Sylvestre Amoussou
Francois Okioh
Bella Agossou
Paulin J. Hountondji
Godfrey Nzamujo
Jean-Hugues Houinsou
Richard Odjrado
Senam Beheton
Claude Borna
Général Bertin Bada
Capitaine Elvire Toupe
Ihsane Adjanonhoun
Nafissath Radji
Amir Alli
Lolo Andoche
William Akle
Kalamoulaï
Sakinatou Harouna
Huguette Gnacadja Bokpè
Bertille Guèdègbé Marcos
Maryse Lokossou
Pamella N'ze Asseko
Sandra Idossou
Mohamed Salifou
Prof Eugène Zoumenou

Les membres du gouvernement Wadagni sont attendus ce lundi 24 août 2026 pour la reprise des activités.

Après une période de congés entamée le 1er août dernier, le chef de l'État et les membres du gouvernement reprennent le travail ce lundi. Durant cette période de congés, le fonctionnement de l'administration publique s'est poursuivi normalement afin d'assurer la continuité du service public. Les dossiers urgents ont également fait l'objet d'un suivi pour éviter toute interruption dans la gestion des affaires de l'État.

Avec cette reprise, le gouvernement retrouve ainsi son rythme habituel de travail et devra poursuivre la mise en œuvre des différents chantiers et priorités de l'Exécutif.

One of the suspects is due in court on Monday to be charged with murder and attempted murder.

From the Battle of Mohács to the Hungarian Revolution and Chernobyl, the year 2026 marks several major military-historical and security-policy anniversaries. These events are not merely subjects of remembrance. Their strategic lessons continue to influence contemporary debates on national resilience, military modernization, alliance politics, and international security.

Why Historical Anniversaries Matter

Historical anniversaries offer more than an opportunity to celebrate victories or commemorate tragedies. They provide a framework for understanding how past conflicts, strategic decisions, and political crises continue to influence the contemporary security environment.

In 2026, several major anniversaries draw attention to critical moments in military and political history. The 500th anniversary of the Battle of Mohács, the 110th anniversaries of key First World War battles, the 70th anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, and the 40th anniversary of the Chernobyl disaster all demonstrate how historical events can shape geopolitical developments for decades, and sometimes centuries.

For scholars, policymakers, and security professionals alike, these anniversaries provide valuable opportunities to reassess lessons that remain relevant in an increasingly uncertain international environment.

The 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Mohács (1526-2026)

The Battle of Mohács, fought on 29 August 1526, remains one of the most significant turning points in Hungarian history. During the battle, the forces of King Louis II suffered a decisive defeat against the Ottoman army led by Sultan Suleiman the Magnificent. The consequences extended far beyond the battlefield, ultimately contributing to the fragmentation of the Kingdom of Hungary and reshaping the political order of Central Europe for centuries.

The strategic significance of Mohács lies in its demonstration of how military preparedness, political cohesion, and economic capacity interact during major security crises. Modern historians increasingly emphasize that the defeat was not simply the result of a single military engagement but rather the culmination of long-term structural weaknesses, geopolitical pressures, and resource limitations.

Today, Mohács serves as a powerful reminder that national resilience depends not only on military strength but also on effective governance, sustainable economic resources, and realistic strategic planning.

Further information:

Mohács 500: https://mohacs500.hu
Mohács 1526-2026 Research Group: https://www.mohacs.btk.mta.hu

The 250th Anniversary of the U.S. Declaration of Independence (1776-2026)

The United States celebrates its semiquincentennial in 2026, marking 250 years since the Declaration of Independence. Beyond its national significance, the document helped shape modern ideas of sovereignty, self-determination, and constitutional governance that continue to influence international politics and security.

As strategic competition increasingly focuses on governance models, democratic resilience, and political legitimacy, the anniversary invites reflection on the relationship between democratic institutions and national security.

Security Legacy
Democratic governance
National sovereignty
Constitutional rule
Political legitimacy
Strategic competition between governance models

The 110th Anniversary of the Battle of Jutland (1916-2026)

The Battle of Jutland was the largest naval battle of the First World War and remains one of the most studied maritime engagements in modern military history.

Fought between the British Royal Navy and the German High Seas Fleet in May 1916, the battle produced mixed tactical results. However, from a strategic perspective, Britain maintained its naval dominance and its ability to enforce a blockade against Germany.

Jutland highlighted several themes that remain central to contemporary maritime security:

The importance of sea control.
The growing role of intelligence and communications.
The relationship between industrial capacity and military power.
The significance of strategic outcomes over tactical victories.

As maritime competition intensifies in regions such as the Indo-Pacific, the lessons of Jutland continue to influence naval planning and force development.

The 110th Anniversary of the Somme Offensive (1916-2026)

The Somme Offensive stands as one of the most devastating campaigns of the First World War. The battle produced enormous casualties, becoming a symbol of industrialized warfare and the human cost of strategic attrition.

The campaign also marked a technological milestone through the first significant combat deployment of tanks. Although their initial battlefield impact was limited, tanks would transform land warfare during the twentieth century.

The Somme illustrates several enduring realities of military conflict:

Technological innovation alone does not guarantee victory.
Strategic objectives must align with available resources.
Human factors remain critical despite technological advancement.
Military adaptation often emerges through costly battlefield experience.

In today’s era of autonomous systems, artificial intelligence, and advanced military technologies, the historical lessons of the Somme remain surprisingly relevant.

Romania’s Entry into the First World War

In August 1916, Romania entered the First World War on the side of the Entente powers. While often overshadowed by larger campaigns, this decision significantly altered the strategic balance in Eastern Europe.

The event demonstrates how medium-sized states can influence regional security environments through alliance choices and geopolitical positioning. Such lessons remain particularly relevant today, as many states seek to navigate increasing competition among larger powers.

Romania’s decision reminds us that international security is shaped not only by great powers but also by the strategic calculations of regional actors.

The 90th Anniversary of the Spanish Civil War (1936-2026)

The Spanish Civil War is frequently described as a rehearsal for the Second World War.

Beginning in 1936, the conflict became a testing ground for military technologies, operational concepts, and ideological confrontation. Foreign powers provided support to opposing sides, turning Spain into a laboratory of modern warfare.

Several developments observed during the conflict would later characterize global warfare:

Strategic aerial bombardment.
Large-scale propaganda campaigns.
Foreign military intervention.
Ideological polarization.
Information warfare.

The conflict demonstrates how civil wars can evolve into broader geopolitical confrontations, a phenomenon still visible in several contemporary security crises.

The 75th Anniversary of NATO’s Integrated Cold War Era Expansion (1951-2026)

Although NATO was founded in 1949, 2026 marks roughly three quarters of a century since the alliance began developing the military structures that transformed it into the cornerstone of Western collective defense during the Cold War. NATO remains the world’s most significant military alliance and continues to adapt to challenges ranging from conventional warfare to cyber threats and space security.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has renewed attention to deterrence, force posture, and alliance cohesion, making Cold War lessons particularly relevant.

Security Legacy
Collective defense under Article 5
Military interoperability
Nuclear deterrence
Forward defense and resilience
Security cooperation among democratic states

The 70th Anniversary of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956

The Hungarian Revolution of 1956 remains one of the defining political and security events of the Cold War. Beginning on 23 October 1956, the uprising challenged Soviet dominance and briefly raised hopes for greater Hungarian independence before Soviet military intervention restored control.

From a security-policy perspective, the revolution exposed the realities of Cold War geopolitics. Western governments expressed support for the Hungarian people; however, no direct military intervention occurred. The Soviet Union ultimately maintained its control over Hungary through overwhelming force.

The strategic lessons of 1956 remain relevant in contemporary discussions about:

National sovereignty.
External security guarantees.
Great-power competition.
Resistance movements.
Political legitimacy.

The revolution also became an enduring symbol of the struggle for freedom and self-determination throughout Central and Eastern Europe.

Further information:

National Committee of Remembrance: https://neb.hu
1956 Institute Archive: https://www.rev.hu

The 40th Anniversary of the Chernobyl Disaster (1986-2026)

Although not a military event, the Chernobyl nuclear disaster represents one of the most significant security-related anniversaries of 2026.

The explosion at Reactor No. 4 on 26 April 1986 demonstrated that technological failures can create security consequences extending far beyond national borders. The disaster affected public health, environmental protection, economic stability, and political legitimacy for decades.

Chernobyl significantly influenced the development of:

Nuclear safety standards.
Emergency response planning.
Critical infrastructure protection.
International crisis communication.
Environmental security policies.

Today, when discussions about energy security and nuclear power are once again prominent, Chernobyl remains an important reminder that security extends well beyond traditional military concerns.

Further information:

International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA): https://www.iaea.org
World Nuclear Association: https://world-nuclear.org

The 40th Anniversary of Operation El Dorado Canyon

In April 1986, the United States launched Operation El Dorado Canyon, conducting air strikes against Libya in response to state-sponsored terrorist activities.

The operation became an important case study in the use of military force against non-traditional security threats. It anticipated many of the debates that would later emerge regarding counterterrorism operations, deterrence, and the use of force beyond conventional interstate conflict.

The anniversary highlights how concepts of security have evolved to address increasingly complex threats, including terrorism, organized violence, and hybrid forms of conflict.

Lessons for the Twenty-First Century

While separated by centuries and vastly different geopolitical contexts, the anniversaries of 2026 reveal several common themes:

Strategic Adaptation Matters

States that fail to adapt to changing security environments often face severe consequences.

National Resilience Is Essential

Military power alone is insufficient. Political cohesion, economic strength, social stability, and institutional effectiveness remain fundamental components of security.

Technology Changes Warfare, Not Its Nature

From Ottoman artillery to First World War tanks and modern nuclear technology, innovation consistently transforms military operations. However, strategic decision-making and human judgment remain decisive factors.

Alliances Continue to Shape Outcomes

The experiences of Mohács, Romania in 1916, and Hungary in 1956 all demonstrate the importance and limitations of alliance systems.

Conclusion

The military-historical and security-policy anniversaries of 2026 offer far more than opportunities for remembrance. They provide valuable insights into the enduring dynamics of power, conflict, resilience, and adaptation.

Whether examining the strategic consequences of Mohács, the industrialized warfare of the Somme, the geopolitical realities revealed by the Hungarian Revolution, or the broader security implications of Chernobyl, one conclusion becomes clear: understanding history remains essential for understanding security.

As global competition intensifies and new challenges emerge, the lessons of these anniversaries remind us that while technologies and actors may change, the fundamental questions of strategy, power, and survival remain remarkably consistent.

 

 

A 2026 Anniversaries That Still Shape Global Security Today bejegyzés először Biztonságpolitika-én jelent meg.

By CIVICUS
Aug 24 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses the rapid erosion of civic space in Ecuador with Gabriela Panchana, an activist, communicator and founder of the En Voz Alta and Rumbo Plural digital platforms.

Gabriela Panchana

Gabriela faces legal proceedings as a result of her online activism. Her experience is part of a growing pattern where activists and journalists face criminalisation and harassment against a backdrop of widespread impunity. In June, anti-corruption activist Monika Silva Koniuszek, who’d investigated the president’s family businesses, was murdered.

How did the legal proceedings against you start, and what stage are they at?

The current proceedings began with a thread I posted on Twitter/X on 9 June, in which I asked the US Embassy in Quito to help shed light on the murder of Monika Silva Koniuszek, a Polish human rights defender based in Ecuador who had handed over documentation on alleged drug-trafficking networks to the embassy and the US Drug Enforcement Administration. Someone accused me of speaking ‘solely out of financial self-interest’. I replied, and as a result I was charged with a fourth-class offence, which is the least serious category of criminal offences.

The proceedings were riddled with irregularities. They were exceptionally swift and involved several different judges, while observers were barred from attending. On 27 July, I was sentenced to 30 days’ imprisonment and ordered to issue a public apology. I applied to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) for interim measures. On 14 August, I received notification of the written judgment. We lodged appeals before the three-working-day deadline expired. Meanwhile, not a single person has been arrested in connection with the murder of Monika Silva.

The harassment did not begin with this trial. Since December, four successive criminal cases have been brought against me. This has been accompanied by a coordinated campaign of online harassment and stigmatisation.

Added to this is digital surveillance. On 13 August, I received an official alert from Apple confirming that my phone had been the target of a mercenary spyware attack. The evidence is currently undergoing forensic analysis by international organisations. Given that this incident forms part of a pattern of judicial harassment and persecution against me, I have demanded the state investigate who authorised the spying and shed light on the public procurement of intelligence tools.

It’s important not to lose sight of the fact that Monika Silva handed over documentation to foreign authorities regarding networks operating in Ecuador, and now she’s dead. I have been convicted for calling for an investigation into her death. Any analysis that focuses solely on freedom of expression falls short. We must also ask what relationship exists between criminal structures and parts of the judicial system.

How else are people being criminalised for speaking out?

My case is not an anomaly. It’s the predictable application of a law designed for that purpose. Section 396.1 of the Criminal Code punishes expressions that ‘discredit or dishonour’, concepts subject to judicial discretion, with imprisonment. The fundamental problem is that it turns expression into a criminal matter.

Other cases confirm this pattern. In May, four habeas data applications – a legal remedy to demand the rectification or removal of information – resulted in rulings ordering various media outlets to remove content of public interest and issue public apologies, the same penalty that was imposed on me. In June, an investigative journalist announced he would stop covering one of the country’s biggest corruption cases after his wife was dismissed from a public job and his son lost his medical residency at a state hospital.

The wider picture is even more worrying. The IACHR’s Special Rapporteur for Freedom of Expression documented at least six murders of journalists and media professionals in 2025, as well as the use of administrative, legal and tax measures as reprisals.

Criminalisation is not limited to the press. Human rights defenders and social leaders face investigations and criminal proceedings because of their work.

What are the consequences of criminalisation?

The punishment is not just the sentence. It is the process itself. Even if I win on appeal, I have already lost months, resources and peace of mind, and I have been exposed to a campaign of digital lynching. There’s no need to convict many. It’s enough to convict one person quickly and in full view of everyone. Added to this is the nature of the punishment. Forced public apologies don’t provide redress for anyone. They force a person to say out loud the opposite of what they think. They serve as a deterrent. They seek to discipline others.

The impact of judicial persecution is uneven. I have been able to mount a professional defence and appeal to international bodies, but most of those who speak out don’t have these resources, and a fourth-class offence spells the end of their public participation. The categories of people covered by international mechanisms also leave many people unprotected. Those of us who carry out citizen oversight from our own platforms are neither civil society organisations nor the press, yet we face many of the same risks and have less support.

The most worrying thing is that the public debate has shifted from asking who killed Monika Silva to asking what Gabriela Panchana wrote. The judicial system took action in a matter of weeks against an opinion, while the murder investigation has been at a standstill for months. This asymmetry reveals the system’s priorities.

How has civil society responded, and what are its demands?

The response has been quicker and more coordinated than I expected. Fundamedios, an organisation that monitors attacks on freedom of expression, has issued three successive alerts about my case, and other organisations have supported this with statements, monitoring and advice. There’s a network that documents, challenges in court, publicises these attacks and understands how administrative restrictions, coordinated online harassment, legal proceedings, physical threats and stigmatisation combine to silence those of us who speak out.

The authorities must repeal paragraph 1 of article 396 of the Criminal Code and guarantee an independent judiciary, with transparent proceedings and hearings open to domestic and international observers. They must also establish a national protection mechanism for human rights defenders and journalists, and diligently investigate the murder of Monika Silva and threats against those who expose corruption and organised crime.

Official stigmatisation must cease. When those in power portray journalists and human rights defenders as enemies, it opens the door to all other forms of violence.

What international support is needed?

The first and most tangible step is the monitoring of ongoing cases. The presence of international observers at hearings, requests for information from the state and public monitoring of case files can change the behaviour of courts.

We also need existing international mechanisms, such as the IACHR and United Nations human rights experts, to be activated and maintained. But this requires constant monitoring.

Support must also be practical. Human rights defenders need resources for digital security, legal defence and psychosocial support. Criminal proceedings require lawyers, expert reports and time, all of which come at a cost.

It is also important to raise the profile of these cases. When a case receives public attention, those behind the reprisals pay a political price. A case nobody knows about carries no cost.

Finally, countries and organisations working with Ecuador on justice and security issues can exert pressure to ensure judicial independence is respected and expression is not criminalised. International solidarity must translate into advocacy, monitoring, resources and follow-up.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

Ecuador has been placed on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist, which identifies countries where a severe deterioration in the quality of civic space is taking place.

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En Voz Alta/Twitter
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SEE ALSO
Ecuador remains on the CIVICUS Monitor Watchlist CIVICUS Monitor 29.Jul.2026
Ecuador: ‘Defending rights should not be a high-risk activity’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Mauricio Alarcón 04.Jul.2026
Ecuador: ‘We fear the Transparency Law will be used to persecute organisations that challenge those in power’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Vivian Idrovo 12.Sep.2025

 

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Bahnt sich in Deutschland das grosse politische Beben an? Kurz vor den Schicksalswahlen liegt die AfD vorne. Parteichefin Alice Weidel (47) nutzt das ZDF-«Sommerinterview» für eine Kampfansage: Deutschland soll raus aus dem Euro und aus Schengen.