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By Jomo Kwame Sundaram and Nurina Malek
KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia, Jul 14 2026 (IPS)

Trump insists the West must unite on his terms against the Rest, particularly China and Iran. Europe, however, wants greater Trump support for Ukraine’s Zelensky regime to replace Putin’s leadership of Russia.

Jomo Kwame Sundaram

Europe v China?
In June 2026, European officials accused China of training Russian military personnel to fight in Ukraine.

After Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s Munich appeal for Western unity based on shared race, culture and imperial history, this appears to have been a European effort to strengthen its alliance with the US.

The unsubstantiated charge of Chinese military support to Russia against Ukraine, a claim never corroborated by Kyiv, is expected to worsen relations between Europe and China.

Portraying China as a strategic threat to Europe justifies greater belligerence against Beijing. It no longer seems to matter that China has never endorsed Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

However, China retains strong ties with Kyiv, calling for a ceasefire and political settlement, while repeatedly offering to mediate between the warring neighbours.

The G7summit of the seven largest rich economies in late June followed the EU in trying to consolidate Western strategic solidarity against Russia, China and Iran.

With financial crises from 1997 threatening G7 legitimacy, then US Treasury Secretary Larry Summers initiated the G20. But the recently expanded G7 role marginalises the more inclusive but less amenable G20.

Nurina Malek

Neoliberalism over
Since the 2008 global – actually Western – financial crisis, Europe has become even more protectionist.

More Chinese goods have entered European markets, with prices and quality that most others cannot match. For years, Western leaders happily enabled this by liberalising trade, appreciating cheap Chinese imports, for keeping inflation low.

After decades of state-encouraged investment, China’s still growing industrial capacity now supplies the world, enabled by Western-drafted WTO rules.

Before Trump 2.0, Washington had imposed investment restrictions, Section 301 measures, sanctions, tariffs and more following Obama’s ‘pivot to Asia’. Facing less US market access, more Chinese exports have gone elsewhere.

European industry can no longer compete, even where it once led. Instead of neoliberal WTO trade liberalisation, EU protectionism supposedly ‘levels the playing field’.

US advisers increasingly warn European officials that China’s industrial ‘overcapacity’ will soon scale up the ‘China shock’ in most industrially significant supply chains.

China now refines and processes most of the world’s ‘rare earth’ minerals, exercising near-monopsonistic leverage over suppliers by processing at scale at much lower cost.

With China successfully countering Trump’s trade policies, Western leaders worry Beijing will abuse its near-monopolistic control of rare earth elements, which downstream industries need.

Jeffrey Sachs argues that New York and London rare earth market reactions indicate major institutional investors view recent developments as significant.

G7 vs China
Protecting European industry, labour and economic sovereignty is now constrained by the rules Western leaders put in place over decades, often coordinated by the OECD.

Splits inside the EU soon extended beyond commercial faultlines to ostensible strategic interests defined by the fluid geopolitics after the first Cold War.

German car exports to China have been superseded by Chancellor Metz’s military Keynesianism, in line with Trump’s demand for NATO allies to spend much more on the military to greatly strengthen Western military power and global dominance.

French President Emmanuel Macron’s earlier push for unaligned European ‘strategic autonomy’ has given way to a NATO+ strategic view embracing Western imperialism.

Meanwhile, smaller EU member states remain cautious, fearing the collateral effects of new Western ambitions, such as Chinese restrictions on imports that Europe depends on.

Great power rivalry
With the Iran war refusing to fade from daily headlines despite Trump’s on-off-on ceasefire, other myths are also evaporating. Few still believe Israel will accept a ‘two-state solution’ or that peace will prevail between trading partners.

NATO, OECD, G7, EU and other such arrangements have become variable links in the hegemonic US-led bloc. Such coalitions – including Europe, Canada, Australia, and Japan – were never seamless together or fully fit-for-purpose.

Trump expects unilateral US aggression against Washington’s chosen enemies must be fully supported and subsidised by NATO allies, with reluctance deemed disloyal, even antagonistic.

Countries not aligned with the major poles may be alternatively courted and coerced by rival poles, especially by the affluent West. Cooperation among others may be seen and portrayed as proof of the existence of an antagonistic bloc.

Multiple poles are likely to coalesce into the West versus the Rest, competing for support and influence, as those courted try to gain from their suitors.

With reduced government engagement and less sustained inter-state cooperation and order, disruptions in an increasingly anarchic world economy have required governments to prioritise resilience as businesses, consumers and labour face rising costs.

As the US and its allies weaponise economic rules and arrangements to discipline both friends and foes, the world economy is slowing unevenly as prices rise sporadically.

The US-Israel war on Iran underscores how current conflicts can develop in unpredictable ways as states and other significant non-state ‘actors’ innovate strategically in unexpected conditions.

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Dauer des Videos : 45'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

Dauer des Videos : 75'

Haftungsausschluss : Die Verdolmetschung der Debatten soll die Kommunikation erleichtern, sie stellt jedoch keine authentische Aufzeichnung der Debatten dar. Authentisch sind nur die Originalfassungen der Reden bzw. ihre überprüften schriftlichen Übersetzungen.
Quelle : © Europäische Union, 2026 - EP

À l'issue de la réunion de deux jours à Ankara, chaque dirigeant de l'OTAN a reçu un cadeau insolite de la part du président Erdogan. La difficulté était de savoir quoi faire de ce cadeau.

Companies should guarantee that the use of social media and the digital environment is safe, particularly for children and young people, MEPs say.
Committee on Culture and Education

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Companies should guarantee that the use of social media and the digital environment is safe, particularly for children and young people, MEPs say.
Committee on Culture and Education

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Companies should guarantee that the use of social media and the digital environment is safe, particularly for children and young people, MEPs say.
Committee on Culture and Education

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Companies should guarantee that the use of social media and the digital environment is safe, particularly for children and young people, MEPs say.
Committee on Culture and Education

Source : © European Union, 2026 - EP

Le président de la République, Romuald Wadagni, a effectué, lundi 13 juillet 2026, une visite de travail à Addis-Abeba, en Éthiopie. Ce déplacement a été marqué par sa participation à la retraite stratégique d'Afreximbank ainsi que par des échanges avec les autorités éthiopiennes.

À son arrivée dans la capitale éthiopienne, le chef de l'État béninois a été accueilli par le vice-Premier ministre, Tiruneh Temesgen. Il a ensuite rencontré le président-directeur général d'Afreximbank, George Elombi, avant de prendre part aux travaux de la banque panafricaine d'import-export, d'Afreximbank, en qualité d'invité d'honneur.

Lors du panel inaugural consacré aux défis de l'industrialisation en Afrique, Romuald Wadagni a partagé l'expérience du Bénin en matière de réformes économiques. Il a notamment évoqué les conditions favorables à une industrialisation durable et les obstacles susceptibles de freiner cette dynamique.

En marge de cette rencontre, le président béninois s'est entretenu avec le Premier ministre éthiopien, Abiy Ahmed, au Palais Menelik. Les échanges ont porté sur le renforcement des relations de coopération entre le Bénin et l'Éthiopie.

Le chef de l'État a regagné Cotonou dans la soirée, au terme de cette visite d'une journée consacrée à la promotion des intérêts du Bénin sur les plans économique et diplomatique.

La forte pluie qui s'est abattue sur la ville de Cotonou dans la journée de ce lundi 13 juillet 2026 a occasionné la chute de plusieurs grands arbres.

A l'Etoile Rouge, un imposant caïlcédrat a été déraciné ce lundi 13 juillet 2026, s'affaissant sur une partie de la chaussée et perturbant momentanément la circulation.

La pluie a entraîné la chute d'autres arbres, notamment dans le secteur de Caboma.

Face à la situation, Gilbert Déou Malè, le préfet du Littoral s'est rendu dans l'après-midi sur les sites touchés. A l'issue de cette descente, il a instruit les services techniques de procéder sans délai au dégagement des arbres tombés.
M. M.

Le « Made in Benin » poursuit son expansion sur le territoire national. Après son implantation à Cotonou, la marque béninoise de linge de maison SùSù renforce sa présence avec l'ouverture officielle de son deuxième showroom à Parakou, dans le département du Borgou.

La société Bénin Textile SA (Btex) et son distributeur agréé DIXTRI Textile, offrent la possibilité aux populations de Parakou, dans le Nord-Bénin, de se procurer la marque béninoise de linge de maison SùSù. Un showroom a été ouvert le vendredi 26 juin 2026, marquant ainsi une étape importante dans la stratégie de déploiement national de la marque. La cérémonie s'est déroulée en présence du chef du 3ᵉ arrondissement de Parakou ainsi que du représentant du maire, qui ont salué une initiative contribuant à la valorisation de la production locale.

Fabriqués au sein de la Zone industrielle de Glo-Djigbé (GDIZ), les produits SùSù sont entièrement conçus au Bénin. La marque propose une large gamme de linge de maison destinée à répondre aux besoins des ménages, avec une offre alliant qualité, confort et savoir-faire local.
À travers cette nouvelle implantation, Bénin Textile SA entend d'une part, rapprocher les produits fabriqués localement des consommateurs du septentrion, et d'autre part, promouvoir davantage la consommation des produits « Made in Benin ». Pour l'entreprise, le choix de Parakou s'inscrit dans une vision d'inclusion économique et de développement du marché national.
« Parakou n'est pas un hasard. C'est un choix. Celui d'une marque qui croit que chaque ville, chaque foyer, chaque famille du Bénin mérite d'accéder à des produits de qualité, fabriqués ici, par nous, pour nous », a souligné le représentant de Bénin Textile SA lors de la cérémonie d'ouverture du showroom.
Avec cette nouvelle ouverture, SùSù confirme son ambition de rendre les produits textiles béninois plus accessibles et de renforcer la présence du Made in Benin dans le quotidien des consommateurs.
Le nouveau showroom est situé au rond-point Aérodrome, en face du restaurant La Vieille Marmite, dans le quartier Wanssirou.

F. A. A.

Acht Staaten, unzählige indigene Völker, rivalisierende Großmächte: Die Arktis ist Heimat, Klimaindikator, Ressourcenreservoir und geopolitisches Terrain zugleich. Vor allem aber ist sie keine klar umrissene Region, sondern eine Projektionsfläche - geprägt von konkurrierenden Interessen, Narrativen und der Frage, wessen Stimme zählt.

Acht Staaten, unzählige indigene Völker, rivalisierende Großmächte: Die Arktis ist Heimat, Klimaindikator, Ressourcenreservoir und geopolitisches Terrain zugleich. Vor allem aber ist sie keine klar umrissene Region, sondern eine Projektionsfläche - geprägt von konkurrierenden Interessen, Narrativen und der Frage, wessen Stimme zählt.

Acht Staaten, unzählige indigene Völker, rivalisierende Großmächte: Die Arktis ist Heimat, Klimaindikator, Ressourcenreservoir und geopolitisches Terrain zugleich. Vor allem aber ist sie keine klar umrissene Region, sondern eine Projektionsfläche - geprägt von konkurrierenden Interessen, Narrativen und der Frage, wessen Stimme zählt.

Aerial view of the Port of Dubai Emirate located in Jebel Ali district, Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Credit: WikiMedia/Imre Solt

By Maximilian Malawista
UNITED NATIONS, Jul 14 2026 (IPS)

Despite the importance of international trade as an engine for economic growth and development, only fourteen of the twenty-two Arab states are members of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The remaining Arab states risk missing out on opportunities for greater integration into the global economy and the multilateral trading system facilitated by the WTO.

A new joint study produced by the WTO, the Arab Monetary Fund, the Islamic Development Bank, and the Islamic Centre for Development of Trade examines the benefits of WTO membership, the barriers facing Arab states seeking accession and the economic characteristics which define the region.

According to the publication, WTO membership has “facilitated and secured significant export opportunities in the markets of other WTO members,” while also developing “competitive market conditions and a business-friendly environment.” Membership can create the predictability and stability needed to attract foreign direct investment, while encouraging economic diversification and supporting regulatory reform.

The potential benefits of WTO membership can also be reflected by logistics performance of Arab economies. According to the World Bank’s 2023 Logistics Performance Index, Arab members of the WTO generally outperform non-member economies across infrastructure, international shipments, logistics competence, and other logistics related sectors.

The Index recorded that Arab WTO members had an average logistics score of 3.17 compared to an average of 2.25 among non-member states. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) ranked the highest among Arab economies with a score of 4.0. In contrast, non-member states such as Somalia and Libya received scores of 2.0 and 1.9.

Source: Author’s visualizations using data from International Logistics Performance Index (LPI) 2023, World Bank Group

Despite the potential benefits of WTO membership, WTO accession has proven to be a lengthy process for Arab states. Seven countries seeking membership — Algeria, Iraq, Lebanon, Somalia, Sudan, Libya, and Syria — have been engaged in accession processes for an average of 18 or more years, with negotiations for some countries remaining inactive for extended periods.

The report attributed these delays to a combination of institutional challenges, political instability and economic turmoil. Political instability and conflict have especially disrupted investment and infrastructure which has halted much needed development across parts of the region, while weak regulatory frameworks have complicated efforts to align national policies with WTO requirements.

For accession to occur, it requires extensive legal and institutional reforms, coordination among regulatory agencies and ministries, and sustained political commitment throughout the years of negotiations. The report identifies the history of centrally planned economies as one of the defining characteristics which has complicated accession for some Arab states.

“An inevitable consequence of this history was the limited experience gained in regulating and governing a competitive private sector-led economy.” the report states. “A transformation from a centrally planned economy to a market economy model normally requires a fundamental shift in the government’s role from being a producer to becoming a regulator.”

These challenges are further complicated by the considerable economic differences among the Arab economies seeking integration within the global trading system.

Dependence on oil and gas for exports remains particularly significant. In 2020, 97 percent of Iraq’s total exports and 95 percent of both Algeria and Libya’s exports were fuel, all three of which are seeking WTO membership. The report argues that this dependence leaves economies vulnerable to fluctuations in global commodity markets and calls for greater economic diversification.

Economic disparities in the region can also be seen through merchandise trade composition. During 2022, Saudi Arabia had recorded a merchandise trade surplus of USD 221.3 billion, followed by the UAE at USD 112.3 billion and Qatar at USD 97.5 billion. Egypt on the other hand recorded a USD 37 billion trade deficit, while Morocco and Lebanon recorded deficits of USD 30.3 billion and USD 15.1 billion, reflecting their respective trade.

These trade compositions highlight the vastly different economic characteristics between Arab states and how they partake in the global trading system. Several of the region’s largest commodity exporters depend heavily on oil and gas, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Oman, Kuwait, Iraq, Algeria, and Libya. Other Arab economies such as Egypt, Jordan, Tunisia, Morocco, and Lebanon, have smaller hydrocarbon sectors and greater dependence on imported goods.

These structural differences alongside varying levels of political stability and institutional capacity, mean that strategies for greater integration into the global trade system cannot be uniform. The report argues that WTO accession strategies must instead be tailored to individual economic and institutional circumstances of each country.

Although the Arab states might differ in how they trade, trade remains central to the region’s economic engine, accounting for 87 percent of GDP across the Arab economies in 2023. Intra-Arab trade on the other hand only accounted only for 9.9 percent of total exports, while intra-Arab imports represented 12.1 percent of total imports during the same period.

International organizations have sought to address some of the barriers facing countries seeking WTO membership. In Iraq, the European Union (EU) funded “strengthening the Agriculture and Agri-Food Value Chain and Improving Trade Policy project” (SAAVI) which has provided aid to Iraq’s WTO accession. SAAVI aims to align Iraq’s trade policies and international standards with the WTO framework through technical assistance, capacity building, and advisory services.

The report argues that greater involvement in the multilateral trading system can greatly support economic diversification and further integrate Arab economies into global value and supply chains. Especially when looking at the model of the gulf countries, where vital energy, petrochemicals, and metals have become nonnegotiable parts of the international trade system. However the report indicated that WTO membership alone cannot guarantee these outcomes. For the seven Arab states seeking accession, strengthening regulatory institutions, improving coordination across government agencies and maintaining sustained political commitment will be critical to advancing accession processes that have already lasted an average of more than 18 years.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

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By Anis Chowdhury
SYDNEY, Jul 14 2026 (IPS)

Philippines was the most advanced Southeast Asian country with the highest per capita GDP until about the early 1960s. Its per capita GDP in purchasing power parity terms were about the same as South Korea’s and above that of Thailand in the early 1970s.The Nobel Laureate economist, Gunnar Myrdal, did not have much hope for “disease infested” Indonesia when in 1968 he published his famous Asian Drama: An Enquiry Into the Poverty of Nations. But Indonesia surged ahead since the late 1960s with growth acceleration exceeding that of Philippines; thus, eventually overtaking Philippines in GDP per capita in the mid-1980s. What factors separated Indonesia from Philippines?

Elite Stake

It has been the elite stake in the country that played the critical role. The Indonesian elite put their trust in the country, whereas the Filipino elite began to think that their future was in the United States (US). Incidentally, this coincided with President Ferdinand Marcos’ turning into a despot by imposing martial law in 1972 and embracing a policy of “constitutional authoritarianism”.

Anis Chowdhury

The Indonesian elite built the national system, e.g., reasonably well-resourced public health and education facilities. On the other hand, the Filipino elite took their money to the US. For example, over 52 years (1960-2011), an estimated US$133 billion was taken out of Philippines illicitly primarily through trade mis-invoicing. Estimates have consistently ranked Philippines among the top 20 countries with the highest illicit flow of funds (IFFs) worldwide.

It does not mean that IFFs do not occur in Indonesia. In recent years, IFFs have become a major concern for Indonesia; however, there the main actors are multinational corporations, especially in the mining sector. The mining sector in Indonesia accounted for 10.5% of total of IFFs out of Indonesia.

The difference is in the scale and actors.

Good governance myth

Poor governance, especially corruption, is seen as a critical barrier to development. However, the Philippines and Indonesia tale casts doubt on the “good governance” thesis.

Indonesia ranks 109th out of 180 countries in the Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI), while Philippines ranks 120th. Although Philippines is placed at a lower place than Indonesia, corruption is endemic in both countries and the scale is not much different.

However, the difference is where the ill-gotten money is being invested. Without condoning corruption, the tale of these two countries implies that if the ill-gotten money is invested domestically instead of siphoned-off, the country will experience a better development outcome. One can call this “patriotic” corruption as a means of primitive capital accumulation. Where the corrupt money is siphoned-off, corruption is “predatory” analogous to colonial plundering.

Bangladesh is a glaring example of predatory corruption. A 2011 UNDP report ranked Bangladesh no 1 among least developed countries in IFFs. Between 1990 and 2008 the cumulative illicit outflow of funds from Bangladesh was estimated at US$34.8 billion. An estimated US$234 billion was plundered from Bangladesh during Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year autocratic reign.

Authoritarianism debunked

The East Asian development success created a perception, codified in the “Lee hypothesis”, that authoritarian regimes deliver better development outcomes than democracies. Sheikh Hasina, like many other despots, used this argument to consolidate her autocratic rule by brutal suppression of human and democratic rights.

As highlighted earlier, in the case of Indonesia, the elite displayed trust in the country, while in the case of Philippines and Bangladesh, the elite plundered to siphon-off with the aid of repressive kleptocratic regimes.

At the end, however, all three autocratic regimes collapsed; but rebuilding the trust and elite stake in the country remains a challenge in plundered countries like Philippines and Bangladesh.

Anna Karenina principle

Leo Tolstoy in his 1877 novel, Anna Karenina, laid down the Anna Karenina principle: “All happy families are alike; each unhappy family is unhappy in its own way”. The Anna Karenina principle implies that a deficiency in any one of several critical factors dooms a complex endeavour to failure even if all other essential factors are present. In technical jargons, they constitute the “sufficient” condition for the “necessary condition” to work.

Both Indonesia and Philippines share many common factors – they are both archipelago consisting of thousands of small islands dispersed over vast areas of the South China Sea like a garland. They are ethnically diverse; while Indonesia is a Muslim majority country, Catholics dominate in Philippines. Both faiths are regarded as un-worldly, focusing more on the hereafter compared with the Protestant ethics, which is more conducive for capitalism to flourish. Both countries also experienced ethnic separatist armed conflicts.

Both Indonesia and Philippines had pro-US regimes, and the two countries witnessed repressive autocratic rules lasting for decades. Both pro-US regimes also received large US aid and access to the US market as well as foreign direct investment.

Yet their development experiences have differed.

The missing factor is elite stake, the glue to hold all other essential conducive factors together.

Anis Chowdhury, Emeritus Professor, Western Sydney University (Australia). He held senior UN positions in Bangkok and New York and served as Special Assistant to the Chief Advisor for Finance (with the status and rank of State Minister) in the Professor Yunus-led Interim Government. Anis has written extensively on East and Southeast Asian economies, including The Newly Industrialising Economies of East Asia (Routledge) and The Political Economy of East Asia (Oxford University Press). E-mail: anis.z.chowdhury@gmail.com; a.chowdhury@westernsydney.edu.au

IPS UN Bureau

 

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Les députés ont approuvé, le 10 juillet 2026, l'accord de financement conclu entre le gouvernement béninois et l'Agence Française de Développement (AFD) dans le cadre du projet de Musée d'art contemporain de Cotonou (MACC).

Après les projets muséaux lancés à Ouidah, Porto-Novo et Abomey, Cotonou s'apprête à accueillir un musée consacré à l'art contemporain, dont le financement a été entériné, vendredi 10 juillet 2026, par l'Assemblée nationale.

Le financement de l'Agence Française de Développement (AFD), comprend un prêt de 25 millions d'euros et une subvention de 5 millions d'euros, soit près de 19,7 milliards de FCFA.

Il couvrira la construction du Musée d'art contemporain de Cotonou (MACC), la conception de son parcours muséal, son lancement ainsi que des actions de formation au profit des professionnels du secteur culturel.

Le futur établissement s'inscrit dans la politique de valorisation du patrimoine culturel engagée par le gouvernement depuis 2016.

Lors des débats parlementaires, plusieurs députés ont appelé à une forte implication des entreprises et de la main-d'œuvre nationales afin que les retombées économiques bénéficient pleinement au pays. Ils ont également insisté sur la nécessité d'un suivi rigoureux de l'exécution du projet.

Pour le ministre de la Culture, des Arts et du Patrimoine, Yassine Latoundji, le MACC constitue un levier de développement économique autant qu'un équipement culturel. Selon lui, le projet doit stimuler les industries culturelles et créatives, favoriser la création d'emplois et accroître la visibilité des artistes béninois et africains grâce à un partenariat de long terme avec l'AFD.
M. M.