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Expulsé vers l’Algérie en janvier 2025 sur décision de l’ancien ministre français de l’Intérieur Bruno Retailleau, Boualem Naman voit aujourd’hui son dossier basculer. Le rapporteur […]

L’article Affaire Doualemn : la justice française ouvre la voie à l’annulation de son expulsion vers l’Algérie est apparu en premier sur .

Le débat n’est pas retombé depuis l’officialisation de son arrivée sur le banc des Verts. Brahim Hemdani est bel et bien lié à la Fédération […]

L’article Contrat, durée, objectif : ce que la FAF attend de Brahim Hemdani est apparu en premier sur .

Face aux dépenses faramineuses auxquelles les familles sont confrontées après le décès d'un membre, l'évêque de Kandi, Clet Fèliho, exhorte à un encadrement du rite funéraire au Bénin. Le prélat a adressé à cet effet une correspondance au président de l'Assemblée nationale, Joseph Djogbénou.

« Honorer les morts sans sacrifier els vivants », c'est l'objet d'une lettre adressée au président de l'Assemblée nationale, Joseph Djogbénou. La correspondance en date du 2 août 2026, et signée de Clet Fèliho, évêque de Kandi, a été lue ce lundi 7 septembre 2026, lors de la session extraordinaire de l'Assemblée nationale.

Dans ce courrier, le prélat a déploré les « exigences financières, matérielles, coutumières, parfois insupportables » auxquelles les veuves, des orphelins, des filles et fils sont soumis « au nom de la tradition ». Il estime que les contributions imposées, les dépenses ostentatoires, les cérémonies interminables et les multiples prélèvements finissent par « transformer le deuil en une épreuve économique et sociale ».

Quand le deuil devient une dette

Dans plusieurs communautés, la pression sociale pousse les familles à organiser des funérailles au-delà de leurs moyens. Il faut parfois « faire comme les autres », préserver l'honneur de la famille ou éviter les critiques de l'entourage. Ce qui conduit à des dettes. L'évêque dans sa note, regrette qu'au lieu de consoler les familles, on les accable, au lieu de partager leurs peines, on aggrave leurs souffrances.

Un débat national devenu nécessaire

Face à cette réalité, un débat national sur les pratiques funéraires apparaît nécessaire. Les pouvoirs publics ont leur rôle à jouer, mais ils ne peuvent agir seuls. Les chefs traditionnels, les responsables religieux, les élus locaux, les associations, les familles et l'ensemble des acteurs de la société doivent être associés à cette réflexion.

Selon Clet Fèliho, reformer les funérailles, ce n'est pas combattre la tradition. « C'est sauver la famille, préserver la jeunesse et préparer un avenir où nos coutumes demeurent des sources de vie plutôt que des causes de pauvreté et de division. Voilà le cri de cœur que j'adresse à tous les garants de la paix dans notre société », a-t-il souligné mettant l'accent sur la nécessité d'agir pour préserver la cohésion sociale et l'unité de la famille.

F. A. A.

This chapter seeks to explain why development cooperation norms that looked stable in the mid-2010s became contested after 2016. We link this to crisis politics and the post-2030 agenda. Here, the ‘good old days’ means the mid-2010s cooperation moment. In 2015, four agreements were adopted within months: the 2030 Agenda (SDGs), the Paris Agreement, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development. Their adoption set shared expectations about collective action. These agreements did not create a single regime, but they shared a narrative of common problems, shared responsibility, and multilateral problem-solving, backed by monitoring, review, and had a basis in evidence. Only a decade later, that consensus has evaporated. Development cooperation faces intersecting pressures operating through budget contractions, institutional precarity, and public narratives fuelled by the populist right in many DAC donor countries. In this new context, many DAC donors are shifting attention towards direct national interests, including security, migration policing, and geo-politics/geo-economic priorities, amid fiscal squeeze, intensified by the Trump 2.0 administration’s anti-multilateralism. Our chapter argues that the mid-2010s moment was highly contingent on an alignment of interests, institutions, and policy narratives, rather than a settled consensus, and that shifting political ‘mood’ has unravelled that spirit dramatically. We use a policy norm dynamics framework that traces norm contestation through actors and networks, institutions, and context and policy narratives, and introduces ‘epochal moods’ as the over-arching political climate that shape the nature and form of development cooperation. We outline the competing normative regimes of development cooperation and what they imply for positioning on a post-SDG/post-2030 collective framework.

This chapter seeks to explain why development cooperation norms that looked stable in the mid-2010s became contested after 2016. We link this to crisis politics and the post-2030 agenda. Here, the ‘good old days’ means the mid-2010s cooperation moment. In 2015, four agreements were adopted within months: the 2030 Agenda (SDGs), the Paris Agreement, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development. Their adoption set shared expectations about collective action. These agreements did not create a single regime, but they shared a narrative of common problems, shared responsibility, and multilateral problem-solving, backed by monitoring, review, and had a basis in evidence. Only a decade later, that consensus has evaporated. Development cooperation faces intersecting pressures operating through budget contractions, institutional precarity, and public narratives fuelled by the populist right in many DAC donor countries. In this new context, many DAC donors are shifting attention towards direct national interests, including security, migration policing, and geo-politics/geo-economic priorities, amid fiscal squeeze, intensified by the Trump 2.0 administration’s anti-multilateralism. Our chapter argues that the mid-2010s moment was highly contingent on an alignment of interests, institutions, and policy narratives, rather than a settled consensus, and that shifting political ‘mood’ has unravelled that spirit dramatically. We use a policy norm dynamics framework that traces norm contestation through actors and networks, institutions, and context and policy narratives, and introduces ‘epochal moods’ as the over-arching political climate that shape the nature and form of development cooperation. We outline the competing normative regimes of development cooperation and what they imply for positioning on a post-SDG/post-2030 collective framework.

This chapter seeks to explain why development cooperation norms that looked stable in the mid-2010s became contested after 2016. We link this to crisis politics and the post-2030 agenda. Here, the ‘good old days’ means the mid-2010s cooperation moment. In 2015, four agreements were adopted within months: the 2030 Agenda (SDGs), the Paris Agreement, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction, and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development. Their adoption set shared expectations about collective action. These agreements did not create a single regime, but they shared a narrative of common problems, shared responsibility, and multilateral problem-solving, backed by monitoring, review, and had a basis in evidence. Only a decade later, that consensus has evaporated. Development cooperation faces intersecting pressures operating through budget contractions, institutional precarity, and public narratives fuelled by the populist right in many DAC donor countries. In this new context, many DAC donors are shifting attention towards direct national interests, including security, migration policing, and geo-politics/geo-economic priorities, amid fiscal squeeze, intensified by the Trump 2.0 administration’s anti-multilateralism. Our chapter argues that the mid-2010s moment was highly contingent on an alignment of interests, institutions, and policy narratives, rather than a settled consensus, and that shifting political ‘mood’ has unravelled that spirit dramatically. We use a policy norm dynamics framework that traces norm contestation through actors and networks, institutions, and context and policy narratives, and introduces ‘epochal moods’ as the over-arching political climate that shape the nature and form of development cooperation. We outline the competing normative regimes of development cooperation and what they imply for positioning on a post-SDG/post-2030 collective framework.

Data and code that form the basis of the analyses and findings presented in the accompanying publication “African youth and the future of democracy: How social media and cohort size shape political participation” by Godfred Bonnah-Nkansah and Christine Hackenesch, published in Government & Opposition. The dataset comprises individual-level youth data (for persons 15-29 years old), in thirty-nine (39) African countries sampled in the Afrobarometer survey Rounds 6-9, complemented by country-level data on GDP per Capita from the World Bank; youth bulge ratio from the United Nations (UN) Population Bureau; and the V-Dem liberal democracy index.

Data and code that form the basis of the analyses and findings presented in the accompanying publication “African youth and the future of democracy: How social media and cohort size shape political participation” by Godfred Bonnah-Nkansah and Christine Hackenesch, published in Government & Opposition. The dataset comprises individual-level youth data (for persons 15-29 years old), in thirty-nine (39) African countries sampled in the Afrobarometer survey Rounds 6-9, complemented by country-level data on GDP per Capita from the World Bank; youth bulge ratio from the United Nations (UN) Population Bureau; and the V-Dem liberal democracy index.

Data and code that form the basis of the analyses and findings presented in the accompanying publication “African youth and the future of democracy: How social media and cohort size shape political participation” by Godfred Bonnah-Nkansah and Christine Hackenesch, published in Government & Opposition. The dataset comprises individual-level youth data (for persons 15-29 years old), in thirty-nine (39) African countries sampled in the Afrobarometer survey Rounds 6-9, complemented by country-level data on GDP per Capita from the World Bank; youth bulge ratio from the United Nations (UN) Population Bureau; and the V-Dem liberal democracy index.

Acquérir une voiture neuve sans recourir à un crédit classique, c’est la promesse que formule désormais la Banque Nationale d’Algérie (BNA). À travers une annonce […]

L’article Voiture neuve financée jusqu’à 90 % : tout savoir sur la formule « Mourabaha » de la BNA est apparu en premier sur .

Les députés de la 10e législature sont convoqués, ce lundi 7 septembre 2026, au siège de l'Assemblée nationale, à Porto-Novo pour l'ouverture d'une session extraordinaire. Les travaux porteront sur l'examen et l'adoption du budget de l'institution pour l'exercice 2027.

Les députés en session extraordinaire ce lundi 7 septembre 2026. Selon un communiqué signé le 2 septembre par le président de l'Assemblée nationale, Joseph Djogbénou, l'essentiel des travaux portera sur l'examen et l'adoption du budget de l'institution pour l'exercice 2027.

Sous réserve de l'atteinte du quorum, les parlementaires devront également procéder à l'ouverture officielle de la session, conformément au Règlement intérieur de l'institution. Cette étape vise à préparer les prochaines échéances budgétaires, notamment l'examen du projet de budget général de l'État, gestion 2027.

F. A. A.

La Police républicaine a interpellé en fin de semaine écoulée, trois présumés membres d'un réseau spécialisé dans le vol de bétail dans la commune de Tchaourou, département du Borgou. Deux autres personnes, soupçonnées d'être impliquées dans le réseau, sont actuellement recherchées.

Des membres d'un réseau de vol de bétail aux mains de la Police. L'opération ayant conduit à leur interpellation a débuté dans l'après-midi du vendredi 4 septembre 2026. Vers 15 heures, un individu soupçonné d'avoir volé deux bœufs a été conduit au commissariat de l'arrondissement de Tchaourou. Les animaux auraient été dérobés au préjudice d'un habitant de la localité.

Au cours de son interrogatoire, le suspect a reconnu les faits qui lui sont reprochés et fourni aux enquêteurs des informations sur trois de ses présumés complices. Les investigations engagées à la suite de ces déclarations ont permis l'interpeller deux autres suspects.

Ces derniers auraient reconnu leur implication et déclaré appartenir à une bande organisée opérant dans plusieurs arrondissements de la commune de Tchaourou. Ils ont également mis en cause un autre individu, présenté comme le présumé receleur du réseau.

À ce jour, trois présumés auteurs de vols de bétail sont détenus au commissariat de Police et devront être présentés au procureur de la République ce mardi 8 septembre 2026.
Le quatrième membre présumé de la bande ainsi que le receleur présumé font l'objet de recherches.

F. A. A.

C’est une vague d’émotion et de fierté qui a traversé les couloirs de l’EHS « Hakim Saâdane » de Laghouat. Ce samedi 5 septembre 2026, […]

L’article « 1 chance sur 700 000 » : une naissance exceptionnelle fait vibrer l’EHS de Laghouat est apparu en premier sur .

Après la reprise des frappes ces derniers jours, l'une ou l'autre des parties dispose-t-elle d'une stratégie de sortie ?

By CIVICUS
Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

 
CIVICUS discusses struggles for abortion rights in Liechtenstein with Gabriella Alvarez-Hummel, a journalist and reproductive rights activist who works with Fristenlösung für Liechtenstein, an organisation that campaigns for the introduction of a legal time-limit abortion model.

Gabriella Alvarez-Hummel

Liechtenstein recently modernised its succession rules to allow female heirs to inherit the throne, a symbolic step forward in a country where women only won the right to vote in 1984. Women’s rights remain a live political battleground. Civil society continues to campaign for reform of one of Europe’s strictest abortion laws, but Prince-Regent Alois has the power to veto laws and has vowed to block any change. The clash pits a citizen-led campaign for women’s reproductive rights against monarchical power.

What’s the current state of abortion rights in Liechtenstein?

Liechtenstein has one of the strictest abortion bans in Europe. Abortion is only allowed in cases of rape or life-threatening circumstances. As a result, women travel abroad for abortions, usually to Austria or Switzerland. Since 2015, doing so is no longer a criminal offence under Liechtenstein law. But those seeking abortion care are entirely on their own. An information ban – the last of its kind in Europe – keeps them from learning what their options are and where to go. Many don’t realise that since the law changed in 2015, only doctors face criminal liability, not patients. But the fear of legal consequences persists regardless. The ban is also inherently stigmatising, and many internalise that stigma.

Women who travel abroad to get an abortion must pay for the procedure in advance, all while racing against the clock, as neighbouring countries only allow medication abortions up to eight or nine weeks of pregnancy and surgical abortions up to 12 weeks.

Once abroad, the obstacles continue, because despite more liberal laws, access isn’t seamless in neighbouring countries. In the Austrian province of Vorarlberg, only a single clinic performs abortions. On the Swiss side, the regional hospital in Grabs, just across the border, doesn’t perform them. Most women travel to Chur or St Gallen, a 45-minute drive if you have a car. Simply getting this information often takes call after call.

What are women’s rights groups doing to change the law?

A popular initiative is under way that calls for the decriminalisation of abortion up to 12 weeks, repeal of the national information ban and health insurance coverage for the procedure.

We have collected almost 5,000 signatures, five times the number required, equivalent to a quarter of all eligible voters.

A parliamentary vote on the legalisation bill is scheduled for 2 September, to be followed by a popular vote. Prince-Regent Alois must then sign the bill into law, but he has already said he won’t and will use his veto instead.

How have activists responded to the veto threat?

The veto threat came as no surprise, given that the Prince-Regent took the same stance on the same issue 15 years ago. It should be noted, however, that he has traditionally shown restraint. He’s only ever announced he’d use his veto power once before. That time, it sparked a year-long discussion about the Prince-Regent’s veto rights before over 75 per cent endorsed him in a public vote.

While his veto power does have democratic legitimacy, the timing is troubling. He made his announcement before a single signature had been collected, representing a problematic interference in the democratic process and public debate.

Ultimately, this pre-emptive strike backfired. Instead of deterring people, it energised them, motivating a surge of volunteers whose dedication helped us secure a historic number of signatures.

For now, we’re focused on the upcoming vote. A resounding, high-turnout victory would send an undeniable message about what people want, hopefully putting pressure on the Prince-Regent to reconsider. He would be using his veto for the first time, against women’s rights of all things.

What other obstacles stand in the way of reform?

On top of the veto threat, the prime minister, who happens to be the first woman to hold the office, has publicly called the initiative unnecessary, arguing that women can simply cross the border for an abortion. That shows how little she understands what those affected go through.

With the country’s two most powerful people opposed, the odds look stacked against reform. Yet a recent poll found that over 70 per cent support legalisation. The public seems to be on the side of not criminalising anyone for having an abortion.

CIVICUS interviews a wide range of civil society activists, experts and leaders to gather diverse perspectives on civil society action and current issues for publication on its CIVICUS Lens platform. The views expressed in interviews are the interviewees’ and do not necessarily reflect those of CIVICUS. Publication does not imply endorsement of interviewees or the organisations they represent.

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SEE ALSO
Gender rights: rollback and resistance CIVICUS | State of Civil Society Report 2026
Malta: ‘Young people see the value in protecting women’s health over enforcing religious doctrine’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Natalia Psaila Stabile 29.May.2026
France: ‘The inclusion of the right to abortion in the constitution is a true feminist victory’ CIVICUS Lens | Interview with Floriane Volt 17.Apr.2024

 

 

 

 

Le directeur de Radio Télévision Saraounia n'a plus donné signe de vie depuis le 31 août à Niamey. Reporters sans frontières demande l'ouverture immédiate d'une enquête. Sa disparition intervient dans un climat de fortes tensions politiques et de recul de la liberté de la presse.

Moussa Kaka a quitté les locaux de Radio Télévision Saraounia, à Niamey, le 31 août en début de soirée. Depuis, le journaliste n'a plus donné signe de vie. Il n'est jamais arrivé à son domicile, ses proches ne parviennent plus à le joindre et son véhicule demeure, lui aussi, introuvable. Reporters sans frontières demande aux autorités nigériennes d'ouvrir une enquête afin d'établir les circonstances exactes de sa disparition.

Le directeur général de RTS, ancien correspondant de RFI et figure reconnue du paysage médiatique nigérien, avait déjà été inquiété par les autorités. En octobre 2025, Moussa Kaka avait été interpellé avec plusieurs confrères dans une affaire liée à la diffusion d'une invitation à une conférence de presse. Il avait ensuite été remis en liberté sous caution.

La disparition de Moussa Kaka intervient deux jours après la mutinerie du 29 août à Niamey et dans un contexte marqué par plusieurs arrestations consécutives à cette crise. À ce stade, aucun élément rendu public ne permet toutefois d'établir un lien direct entre la mutinerie et la disparition du journaliste. Human Rights Watch estime néanmoins que les circonstances font craindre une possible disparition forcée.

L'affaire survient alors que la liberté de la presse connaît une dégradation rapide au Niger depuis le coup d'État de juillet 2023. Les suspensions de médias, les arrestations de journalistes et le durcissement de leurs conditions de travail nourrissent les inquiétudes. Reporters sans frontières classe désormais le Niger au 120e rang sur 180 pays dans son classement mondial de la liberté de la presse.

Pour les autorités nigériennes, l'enjeu est désormais clair : établir où se trouve Moussa Kaka, déterminer les circonstances de sa disparition et faire toute la lumière sur cette affaire. En l'absence de réponses rapides et circonstanciées, cette disparition pourrait devenir un nouveau symbole de la fragilisation de la liberté d'informer au Niger.

Les Amazones du Bénin ont remporté la finale de la Zone 3 de l'IHF Nations Trophy, en s'imposant à la Côte d'Ivoire sur un score de 29-28. La rencontre s'est disputée à Ouagadougou, au Burkina Faso, au terme d'un duel particulièrement serré.

Le Bénin sera à la prochaine CAN féminine de handball. Ceci, grâce à la victoire des Amazones sur la Côte d'Ivoire au terme de la finale de la Zone 3 de l'IHF Nations Trophy. Cette victoire de la sélection féminine béninoise de handball lui permet de se hisser au sommet de la Zone 3, et de valider son ticket pour la CAN séniors dames. Les Béninoises participeront ainsi à la prochaine édition de la compétition continentale, prévue en décembre en Tunisie.
Ce succès vient récompenser le parcours des Amazones du Bénin dans cette compétition et leur permet de poursuivre leur aventure sur la scène africaine.

F. A. A.

La Douane béninoise est en deuil. Le colonel Bienvenu Mayaba, chef de la Brigade des douanes de Sèmè-Kraké, est décédé vendredi 4 septembre 2026, des suites d'une courte maladie.

Deuil à la Douane béninoise. Le colonel Bienvenu Mayaba, chef de la Brigade des douanes de Sèmè-Kraké, est décédé vendredi 4 septembre 2026. Officier engagé dans la lutte contre les trafics illicites, il s'était illustré par plusieurs opérations de saisie. En 2022, sous sa coordination, ses équipes avaient notamment intercepté 2 388 boules de drogue dissimulées dans des camions.
Sa disparition suscite une vive émotion au sein de l'administration douanière. Ses collègues saluent la mémoire d'un officier dévoué à sa mission et engagé dans la lutte contre les produits illicites.

F. A. A.

DIGITAL 00H : Avez-vous tenté votre chance ?

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Lundi 07 Septembre 2026

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Jouez avec modération et responsabilité. Le jeu doit rester un plaisir.

LA CROIX DE CE LUNDI 7 SEPTEMBRE 2026

Oemwa Johnston, a fourth-generation nuclear survivor from Kiribati Island. Credit: Naureen Hossain/IPS

By Naureen Hossain
UNITED NATIONS, Sep 7 2026 (IPS)

More and more, global disarmament discussions are encompassing the humanitarian and environmental impacts of the testing and use of nuclear weapons, as it becomes clear that the legacy of nuclear weapons leaves its mark on multiple generations.

This was the purpose of the international meeting on ‘Victims Assistance and Environmental Remediation’ for countries affected by nuclear weapons. The meeting, held on September 1 in UN Headquarters, convened member states, academia, and civil society organizations, along with representatives from communities directly affected by nuclear weapons use and testing.

The meeting was convened at the direction of the General Assembly under resolutions 79/60 and 80/56, which called for a meeting to be held by 2026 on the lived experiences of communities affected by nuclear weapons and the measures that member states and the international community at large can take to address their concerns. The meeting was chaired by Kazakhstan and Kiribati, two countries that were once sites for nuclear tests in the 20th century. Since then, they are among the former testing states avidly advocating for nuclear disarmament.

This meeting examined the humanitarian and environmental impacts of nuclear weapons use and testing. Many speakers present remarked on the long-lasting effects of exposure to nuclear radiation. The physical, social, economic, and psychological consequences of nuclear use are felt across multiple generations. Persistent health issues are an all-too-common reality among affected communities. People exposed to radiation are more susceptible to noncommunicable diseases like cancer or leukemia or to living with lifelong health conditions.

“The consequences of nuclear weapons do not end when an explosion is over. As the enduring suffering of the Hibakusha—the survivors of Hiroshima and Nagasaki—and the legacy of more than 2000 nuclear tests around the world make clear, the effects of nuclear weapons persist for decades and across generations,” said Izumi Nakamitsu, UN Under-Secretary-General and High Representative of the Office of Disarmament Affairs (UN-ODA).

Nakamitsu said that the efforts to provide remediation should be sustainable; responses to the issues should not depend on “individual projects or temporary initiatives,” but rather on sustained cooperation across national and multilateral systems that have the capacity to preserve knowledge and technical expertise over long periods of time. “Communities need confidence that support will not disappear when a particular project or funding cycle comes to an end.”

Environmental remediation also constitutes, as the representative from Guatemala put it, “an indispensable responsibility” for the international community. The damage inflicted on the environment has rendered farmlands untenable, water systems altered, and impacted areas inhabitable due to radiation.

The first UN international meeting on victims’ assistance and environmental remediation for countries affected by nuclear weapons use and testing. Credit: Manuel Elias/UN Photo

Algeria’s representative remarked on the visible impact left by nuclear testing as evident in the Algerian Sahara, where testing was conducted near the towns of Reggane and In-Ekkar. One such result was radioactive lava flowing out from a mountain in the region, which cooled and hardened over time. The state carried out monitoring and environmental assessments of the affected, but as Algeria remarked, this effort cannot be done alone.

The impact also did not occur in a vacuum, as communities in those sites, including pastoralists, were forced to relocate or otherwise live with the outcomes. “Communities near these sites carry the burden that physics imposes: illness, land they cannot cultivate, and the harm of uncertainty,” he said.

States are encouraged to share knowledge and expertise on the methods taken to resolve their issues, such as environmental records for testing sites.

For Pacific Island states, remediation is paramount, for the environment is deeply linked to their cultural heritage. It is made more tragic as they risk losing their connection due to the consequences of nuclear testing.

Oemwa Johnston, a fourth-generation nuclear survivor from Kiribati, spoke on how she and other young people continue to carry this impact. “As a young woman and descendant of nuclear survivors, I belong to a generation that did not create nuclear weapons or conduct the nuclear tests of the past. Yet, we have inherited their legacy,” she said.

There was an unanimous call for affected individuals and communities to be at the center of disarmament talks and assistance efforts. Their lived experiences should shape the policies that are meant to support their needs.

“Affected communities cannot be seen only as recipients of assistance or subjects of research. They are knowledge holders,” said Mohamed Ambrosini, Soka Gakkai International’s (SGI) UN Representative for Disarmament.

Interactive dialogue and intergenerational exchanges between hibakusha, affected communities, and younger generations can create the spaces for people to reflect on the impacts of nuclear weapons. Preserving these testimonies and learning from them becomes more urgent as the hibakusha, the survivors of the atomic bombings in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, are aging, Ambrosini warned.

Ambrosini and other civil society members also emphasized that in centering their experiences and recognizing their dignity, this sets the path for them to receive nuclear justice and repatriation for their suffering. These efforts should also respect their dignity and provide them with meaningful spaces to be part of decision-making processes.

There were calls for States to take the responsibility to support affected communities. This should come in two forms: compensation from states through national and federal support programs and official recognition, even apologies, from nuclear powers for their testing.

In the context of Japan, hibakusha and other affected communities receive relief from the government, but not state compensation. While hibakusha are eligible for certain benefits like free health care, the terms for who qualifies for these benefits may be too narrow. Emilie McGlone from Peace Boat, a Japan-based civil society group, argued that the current systems for victim assistance do not include non-Japanese or overseas hibakusha, or people who lived outside the specific geographic boundaries from the hypocenter of the bombings.

“The starting point for all victim assistance is defining who is recognized. Japan’s experience shows that while official definitions may be narrow, victims themselves as well as civil society in affected areas advocate for broader rights. Civil society and diverse impacted voices must therefore be involved in the design of victim assistance policies,” said McGlone.

The meeting recognized the current international frameworks that limit or prohibit nuclear weapons use and testing, such as the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT). It also held up the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW), which carries provisions for victim assistance and environmental remediation, as outlined in Articles VI and VII of the treaty.

As Bangladesh’s delegate noted, the TPNW recognizes that “addressing the use of nuclear weapons must go hand in hand with preventing their future use.” As of now, 100 countries have either signed or ratified the treaty, which calls for complete nuclear disarmament, though this does not include the current nuclear-armed states.

Note: This article is brought to you by IPS Noram in collaboration with INPS Japan and Soka Gakkai International in consultative status with ECOSOC.

IPS UN Bureau Report

 

 

 

 

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